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Egypt Media Roundup (November 19)

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[This is a roundup of news articles and other materials circulating on Egypt and reflects a wide variety of opinions. It does not reflect the views of the Egypt Page Editors or of Jadaliyya. You may send your own recommendations for inclusion in each week's roundup to egypt@jadaliyya.com by Sunday night of every week.]  

“Viewpoint: Egypt's emerging revolution of the mind”
BBC Radio 4 explores the growing culture of open dissent in post-revolution Egypt.

“Govt negotiates corruption settlements with former officials”
Egyptian media says the government will settle court cases with former officials like Ahmed Ezz, who is rumored to have to pay LE1.03 billion.

“Hundreds march to commemorate Mohamed Mahmoud 'heroes'”
Abou Al-Fotouh’s and ElBaradei’s parties join April 6 Movement in a march commemorating victims of police violence in last November’s clashes.

“Cabinet reshuffle mulled, says newspaper”
News reports of expected changes to the government emerge as the Muslim Brotherhood blames Qandil’s cabinet for failing to resolve key economic issues.

“FJP drafts amendment to Israel peace treaty for Morsy, Parliament to review”
The new draft provides for the Egyptian army assuming full control of Sinai.

“Hundreds march in Cairo to demand an end to diplomatic ties with Israel”
Protests erupt in Cairo as Israel bombs Gaza.

“Qandil's visit to Gaza overshadowed by Gazans' fear for the future”
Egyptian PM visits Gaza as conflict between Israel and Gaza escalates.

“Morsy: Egypt has changed; Israel will pay for Gaza aggression”
President Mohamed Morsi says Egypt will support Gaza during Israel strikes in a speech during Friday prayers.

“Freedom and Justice Party Statement on Assassination of Qassam Commander Ahmed Jaabari”
The FJP denounces the killing of Qassam commander Ahmed Jaabari.

“What the Coptic pope wants from the Muslim Brotherhood”
Issandr El Amrani comments on the president’s decision not to attend the coronation ceremony of Egypt’s new pope.

“El-Helbawi: Brotherhood leadership is wavering and indecisive”
Kamal El-Helbawi says he resigned from the Muslim Brotherhood because its leadership has become indecisive and wavering.

“Joint Press Release by 21 Egyptian Human Rights organizations”
Government withdraws invitation to twenty-one human rights organizations from a meeting of the Egyptian-European Task-Force.

“UPDATED: Egypt's PM heads to site where over 40 children killed in bus-train collision”
Investigation starts into a train and a school bus crash kills at least fifty people.

“Another tragedy in Upper #Egypt, 50 students killed "Updated" in train collision”
Zenobia gives the details of the tragic accident in Assiut and discusses political implications.

“Al-Azhar – an age-old institution in a new Egypt”
The leading Islamic institution tries to find its place in post-Mubarak Egypt as it struggles with control from the state.

“Gaza: Questions for Egypt and Hamas”
Ibrahim al-Amin asks if Israel’s decision to attack Gaza was based on reassurances that the Muslim Brotherhood would not take any radical measures in response to Israeli aggression.

“Egypt Seeks Dialogue With Jihadists Over Sinai”
The Egyptian government sends intermediaries to Sheikh Zuwaid and Rafah to establish contact with militants.

“Can Morsi Bite the Bullet?”
President Mohamed Morsi and his cabinet face a number of economic problems that the previous regime was unable to deal with.

 

In Arabic:

“عاجل..الرئيس مرسي يصدر قرارا بسحب السفير المصري من إسرائيل”
President Mohamed Morsi withdraws Egyptian ambassador from Tel Aviv over Israel’s attack in Gaza.

“رسالة للمولعين بتجربة المصالحة في جنوب إفريقيا”
Kareem Medhat Ennara shares his thoughts on the South African experience in post-conflict reconciliation and transitional justice and how that applies to Egypt.

“هاني نعيم: في مواجهة الإسلام السياسي”
Hani Naim writes that the anti-Islamization movement is only starting now in Egypt and Tunisia.

“«الإخوان» تلغي زيارة «الشاطر» للإمارات احتجاجًا على تصريحات ضاحي خلفان”
The Muslim Brotherhood cancels Khairat Al-Shater’s visit to the UAE after Emirati head of police’s controversial statements.

“انسحاب 8 من 10 أعضاء من اللجنة الاستشارية لمراجعة مسودة الدستور-بيان وخلفيات”
A statement by members of the Advisory Committee to the Constituent Assembly who have decided to leave after their requests for hearings had been repeatedly ignored.

“'الشعبية للتوعية بالدستور'تنتقد تجاهل المساءلة السياسية للرئيس في المسودة واستحالة تطبيقها جنائياً”
The campaign for constitution awareness says the Constituent Assembly is ignoring calls to establish mechanisms for political accountability for the president in the new draft constitution.

“مهندس عزمي إبراهيم يكتب: دُقـُّـوا طبـُـول الحرب.. واخربـُـوها أكتر ما هي خربــانة!”
Azmy Ibrahim says President Mohamed Morsi should learn from the 1967 war and not pull the country into conflict.

 

Recent Jadaliyya articles on Egypt:

Egyptian Doctors' Strike and the Quest for Bread, Freedom, and Social Justice
Gillian Kennedy says the doctors strike started as a protest for budget increase but transformed into an anti-Muslim Brotherhood movement.

Imagining Tahrir
Yasser Alwan talks about photographic production during the revolution at Tahrir Square.

“I Have the Picture!” Egypt’s Photographic Heritage between Digital Reproduction and Neoliberalism (Part I)
Lucie Ryzova writes about the attempts to preserve Egypt’s photographic heritage.

Letter to IMF From Egyptian Parties, NGOs, Syndicates and Political Movements
Twenty parties, civil society organizations, and movements sign a statement against the IMF loan the current government is negotiating.


Democracy Now! Interview with Raji Sourani and Richard Falk on Gaza Assault and International Humanitarian Law

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President Obama has announced his full support for Israel’s ongoing assault on the Gaza Strip even as dozens of Palestinians, including many civilians, continue to be killed by U.S.-supplied weaponry. At least 95 Palestinians have been killed in air strikes by warplanes and drones. More than 700 have been wounded, including 200 children. On Sunday, a massive air strike leveled a home in Gaza City killing 12 people, including 10 members of the same family. Over the past week, rockets fired from Gaza have killed three Israelis. We go to Gaza to speak with Raji Sourani, an award-winning human rights lawyer and director of the Palestinian Center for Human Rights in Gaza.  We also speak with Richard Falk, United Nations special rapporteur on human rights in the Palestinian territories, professor emeritus of international law at Princeton University, and the author of more than 50 books on war, human rights and international law. He now teaches at University of California at Santa Barbara.
 

Rush Transcript

[Sourani segment]:

AMY GOODMAN: The Israeli attack on Gaza has entered its sixth day with few signs of letting up. At least 95 Palestinians have been killed in air strikes by warplanes and drones. More than 700 have been wounded, including 200 children. Earlier today, an Israeli strike near the Bureij refugee camp killed at least three children, including an 18-month-old infant, and two women. On Sunday, a massive air strike leveled a home in Gaza City killing 12 people, including 10 members of the same family. Over the past week, rockets fired from Gaza have killed three Israelis.

Speaking in Bangkok Sunday, President Obama supported Israel’s attack on Gaza.

PRESIDENT BARACK OBAMA: There is no country on earth that would tolerate missiles raining down on its citizens from outside its borders. So, we are fully supportive of Israel’s right to defend itself from missiles landing on people’s homes and workplaces and potentially killing civilians.

AMY GOODMAN: Joining us now from Gaza is Raji Sourani, an award-winning human rights lawyer, director of the Palestinian Center for Human Rights in Gaza. He is on the executive board of the International Federation for Human Rights. In 1991, he won the Robert F. Kennedy Human Rights Prize.

Raji, can you tell us where you are right now and describe what’s happening in Gaza?

RAJI SOURANI: I’m in Gaza City in the western part of the city, just near the beach. And the situation for the last 24 hours has been escalated in a very, very drastic way, meaning—I mean more and more aerial bombardment coming for the Gaza. Gunships have been bombing all over the place. And the number of killings and injuries, especially among civilians, raised in a very unique way. In the last five days, we lost 27 civilians, women and children. But in the last 24 hours, we lost 31 civilians, including al-Dalo family where 10 family members has been killed during this air raid on their three-stories home.

AMY GOODMAN: Do you know who this family was? And who were the 10 members of this family?

RAJI SOURANI: We are talking about six children, four women. And this family good—I mean, nice, good, working family, a successful businessman who’s doing well, I mean, in Gaza. And they have nothing to do with politics. I mean, like any ordinary, standard Gazans. I think this wasn’t, I mean, the first, you know, house to be targeted. And the eye of the storm, Gaza civilians. An overwhelming majority so far among the killings and injuries are civilians. More than 70 percent are civilians. We know them, we count them, we document them, and we are aware about that. Even, I mean, the targets are very, very civilian targets. You are talking about private houses. You are talking about police stations. You are talking about soccer fields. You are talking about water wells. I mean, it’s amazing. I think the Israelis very intentionally targeting civilians. They are the one in the eye of the storm.

I’ll share with you a very personal story. My family house, located in the heart of the Gaza City, is just near a police station. And this police station, since first hour, no one in it. It’s entirely empty. But last night, 3:00 in the morning, my aunt—she is 87—and I have two brothers who passed through open-heart surgeries, and many of the children rounded the house, and 10 to 3:00 a.m. in the early morning, maybe one-ton bomb hit the first time, and second bomb exploded. And the entire neighborhood, I mean, was just insane. I mean, it’s like earthquake hit to place, tsunami hit the place.

I’m wondering, Amy, what’s the added security value of bombing a civilian police station? And this police station is empty. And what’s the added value of causing damage for something around 10 houses around that police station? And what’s the added value of terrorizing more than 20-30,000 people who live around that place? It’s incredible what’s going on here. We don’t feel entirely hostage to this Israeli belligerent occupation and their practice. Civilians are the target. They are exactly the same thing which had happened four years ago, when Cast Lead operation has been carried by Israel, and again, civilians were in the eye of the storm. If these things—Dalo family killed, bombing these places, terrorizing civilians—are not war crimes, what are war crimes?

AMY GOODMAN: I wanted to play for you a comment by Ehud Barak, Israel’s defense minister. He thanked the Obama administration for its support.

EHUD BARAK: This effort could not have been concluded without the generous and consistent support of the American administration, led by President Obama.

AMY GOODMAN: I was wondering if you can comment on what the Israeli defense minister said and President Obama’s own words, saying that any country has the right to defend its own population, talking about the Hamas missiles that are being shot out of Gaza.

RAJI SOURANI: First thing I have to say that, I swear, one day we will hold accountable all these Israeli leaders because of the war crimes and crimes against humanity they are perpetrating against children and women, against civilians in this part of the world. We are people who believe in rule of law and accountability. And Obama administration provided full legal, political immunity for those who are criminals, when Cast Lead operation had happened few years ago. And they used a veto in the Security Council not to pass Goldstone Report and being tried through the ICC.

Now, that makes us—when I do hear this statement of Mr. Obama and Mr. Barak, that Mr. Obama is a real partner of Israel and the crimes they are doing against civilians. If there are a lack of facts—and I am sure there are not—we can provide them with very first-class, legal-documented files showing, I mean, all these war crimes and crimes against humanity, I mean, Israel do perpetrate. We are civilians under occupation. We are entitled for protection. International law, international humanitarian law give us that. Geneva Conventions are not for intellect or academics; it’s for civilians to have it on their skin, to be protected at the time of war, not peace. We are the targets of this Israeli belligerent occupation offensive. We are the target of this war. We are the one whom we face state terrorism on our skin. We are the ones who are counting the corpses and injuries of the children, women and civilians. This is shame, because—this is not, I mean, really what we say; this is what Human Rights Watch says. This is what ICJ, International Commission of Jurists; FIDH; [inaudible] the Euro-Med Human Rights Network; even Israeli human rights organization talk about what’s going on here. It’s Kafka, when we are the people who are entitled for protection, and we’re called in law that protected civilian under the occupation, being exposed as the victimizers of this Israeli belligerent occupation, reminding everybody that we are the only country on earth who have this belligerent occupation for the last 45 years.

AMY GOODMAN: We’re going to break, then come back to this discussion. We are with Raji Sourani, a well-known Palestinian human rights attorney, winner of the RFK Memorial Prize for his human rights work. And we’re also going to be joined by the U.N. rapporteur, Richard Falk. So, stay with us.
 

[Falk segment]:

AMY GOODMAN: For more on the attack on Gaza, we’re joined by Richard Falk, United Nations special rapporteur on human rights in the Palestinian territories. He’s a professor emeritus of international law at Princeton University, author of more than 50 books on war, human rights, international law. He now teaches at University of California at Santa Barbara. We’re also joined by Raji Sourani, joining us from Gaza City, the director of the Palestinian Center for Human Rights.

I wanted to go to Richard Falk right now. Can you talk about international law in relation to what has happened so far? The latest numbers we have, at least 95 Palestinians have been killed, at least half of them believed to be civilians, since the Israeli assault began last week. The number of Palestinians wounded, over 600. At the same time, Palestinian rocket firings were about 75 on Sunday after a two-day average of 230 rockets. According to Israeli government statistics, Israel has carried out over 1,350 attacks since launching the offensive last week. The number of Israelis that have been killed is three. Your response to what is taking place?

RICHARD FALK: I share very much the legal assessment that Raji Sourani has been offering a few minutes ago. There is no question in my mind that to launch this kind of all-out attack on a defenseless civilian society is something that must be viewed with the greatest alarm by those that take international law and international humanitarian law seriously as a way of governing the behavior of sovereign states.

And in this setting, it’s particularly shocking because there existed a diplomatic alternative. It was clear that Hamas had agreed to an informal truce and had proposed, through its Israeli interlocutor, a long-term truce, and there’s no question that this was a choice made by Israel to assassinate a Hamas leader—in fact, the person that had endorsed the truce—a few days after it had been established. So one has to question any kind of recourse to this kind of violence in a setting where a peaceful alternative seems to have existed and was rebuffed. And that’s—that’s a very serious element that’s been almost totally ignored in the media reaction in the West, particularly the United States, and certainly in the Obama misleading presentation of the issue as the right of a country to defend itself. There’s—no one questions that right. The question is: When and how is it appropriate?

And here, as before in 2008, when Israel launched a similar devastating attack on the population and people of Gaza, there were alternatives, and this kind of approach to security ends up with a new cycle of violence at higher levels of intensity. So it’s time, it seems to me, for the international community to take some responsibility for protecting the people of Gaza. The responsibility to protect norm was very self-righteously invoked in relation to Gaddafi’s Libya, but there’s utter silence when it comes to the people of Gaza.

AMY GOODMAN: Gilad Sharon, the son of the former Israeli prime minister, Ariel Sharon, who remains in a coma, wrote in an op-ed in the Jerusalem Post over the weekend, quote, "We need to flatten entire neighborhoods in Gaza. Flatten all of Gaza. The Americans didn’t stop with Hiroshima – the Japanese weren’t surrendering fast enough, so they hit Nagasaki, too.

"There should be no electricity in Gaza, no gasoline or moving vehicles, nothing."

Richard Falk, that’s—those are the words of the son of Ariel Sharon.

RICHARD FALK: And those words have also been repeated in more or less those same terms by the deputy prime minister of Israel, and it is a shocking embrace of criminality, of crimes against humanity of the most severe kind. Indeed it has a genocidal edge to it, when you talk about depriving a population of its entire infrastructure, as if that’s the way to produce security. It’s a very perverse notion, and, as I say, in a setting where it is clear that if Israel were prepared to lift the blockade and to—which is unlawful form of collective punishment that is prohibited by Article 33 of the Fourth Geneva Convention—and was willing to deal with the governing authorities in Gaza as if they’re a political actor, this would produce real security, at least as a foundation for the relations between this portion of the Palestinian people and the state of Israel.

AMY GOODMAN: I wanted to bring Raji Sourani back into the conversation to respond to Israeli President Shimon Peres saying that the country is being pushed to fight against its will, talking about Israel.

PRESIDENT SHIMON PERES: This strange war, we don’t have any ambitions or any claims of this war. We don’t want to get rid of—by war with Hamas, we don’t want to change the state of Gaza. We don’t want to fire at all. But we were left without a choice.

AMY GOODMAN: That is the Israeli president, Shimon Peres, saying "We [were] left without a choice." Raji Sourani, three Israelis have been killed by the rocket fire, about 80 wounded. Your response?

RAJI SOURANI: Well, I mean, it’s very interesting what Mr. Peres is saying. Even he blames the victim. I mean, we are criminals because we push them to kill us, to bomb us, to destroy us, to launch a war against us. That’s obscene. That’s the absurd. I mean, it’s too much.

Regarding Gilad Sharon, a Dahiya doctrine, it’s not a theory; it’s a practice. And this practice had happened during the Lebanon war. And I’m sure, with all the introductions we have for Gaza for the last six days, that the worst is yet to come. In the last five days, things were going really—I mean, every day worse than the other. But in the last 24 hours, things are escalating in a very drastic way. Just half an hour ago, ambulance with a doctor and nurse has been targeted and killed. These are the last victims, I mean, we are having in Gaza. And all over Gaza, there is no safe haven.

What triggered this war really? What triggered it? The assassination of one of Hamas leaders who was negotiating with the Egyptian and the Israelis the truce. And that’s what triggered, Amy, everything. Mr. Peres is forgetting that Gaza, for the last seven years, suffer a criminal siege, suffocating socially and economically 1.7 million people, unable to move in or out, and no movement for goods whatsoever. And they shifted Gaza to be a first-class, human-disaster-made, de-developed place. And, you know, they are practicing all kinds of suffocation on it through that criminal siege, which all international human rights organizations said this is illegal, inhumane, as Mr. Falk rightly said.

AMY GOODMAN: Raji Sourani, President Obama, the Israeli government, the U.S. media, overall, says what’s triggered this Israeli military assault on Gaza are the missiles, the rocket attacks that are coming from Gaza.

RAJI SOURANI: It’s not true at all. It’s not true at all. There was assassination, and there was bombing immediately after assassination all over Gaza Strip. And this you can—being asked by any local observer, whether local, international, neutral or—I mean, these are given facts. But obviously, U.S. and Mr. Obama try to provide Israel with full excuse, with full legal, political immunity to do whatever they want to do against Gazans. This is—this is unjust. This is unfair. This makes U.S. on the same foot, I mean, equal to Israel and real partner of what they are doing, of war crimes or crimes against humanity, against Gazan civilians.

AMY GOODMAN: U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon has announced plans to travel to Egypt to seek a ceasefire, but many residents of Gaza say they’re skeptical of Ban’s trip to the Middle East. This is one resident of Gaza named Yousif.

YOUSIF: [translated] I do not welcome him, because he came here during the last war, 2008-2009, and did nothing for us. He will come again for the second war but will never do anything for us. He will speak about taking action but will not do anything.

AMY GOODMAN: Do you share that view, Raji Sourani?

RAJI SOURANI: I want him to come, and I want him to be the real international conscience of the most important system on earth, the U.N., in order to bring rule of law, not the rule of jungle, to this part of the world. Gaza is not part of his visit. He’s going to Israel, and he’s going to the West Bank. But those who need his visit, Gazans, he’s not going to visit them. And he, in advance, once and again, blamed the victim. He says, you know, Gaza deserve what had happened, for simple reason: They are bombarding Israel. Once again, Amy, it’s Kafka. It’s absurd. How can occupied people, those who are entitled by law, by international humanitarian law, to protection, can be victimizers for belligerent, criminal occupation practicing war crime, not this time, but just in Cast Lead operation, as well, and wasn’t held accountable?

AMY GOODMAN: The latest news around the attack on the media center: On Sunday, six Palestinian journalists wounded when Israeli missiles slammed into the offices of the Hamas TV station, Al Aqsa, and the Lebanon-based Al Quds TV, a number of international media outlets, including Fox, CBS, Sky, have used the studios in targeted buildings. One of the victims lost his leg. And I’m looking at a tweet from the Netanyahu spokesperson, Ofir Gendelman, who said, "No Western journalists were hurt during the IAF operation aimed to destroy Hamas’ military comm. situated on the roof of a media building." And I’d like to get the U.N. rapporteur Richard Falk’s response.

RICHARD FALK: It is clear that any kind of deliberate attack on journalists is itself a deliberate, intentional war crime. The U.N. has clearly declared that journalists are civilians. And this isn’t as if there is an attack on a communications system that manipulates the weapons that Hamas has been using. It is an attack on journalists that are doing their professional job, and it represents an attempt by Israel, I suppose, to avoid any kind of effort to tell the story of what is really happening. And we’re thankful to media personalities such as yourself that are at least trying to get at the truth of what is going on and the terrible ordeal that the people of Gaza are once again subjected to without the kind of protection that international law and international morality should be according them.

AMY GOODMAN: Raji Sourani, what is life like on the ground right now? You are in your office. How are Gazans dealing with the attacks right now?

RAJI SOURANI: Well, I mean, if you are sitting in my office, I mean, you will hear the bombs, I mean, all over the place. Every minute or two passes, I mean, you will hear, you know, one bomb from Apache or a drone or F-16 hitting, bombing. And just half an hour ago, the Shoroq Tower, where these journalists were targeted at dawn yesterday, have been bombed again, under fire right now at this tower. For the second consecutive time in less than 30 hours, this tower has been targeted. And this tower, I mean, full of media people—yesterday, six has been injured, one have leg amputated. And again, I mean, they are doing this once and again. And yesterday, another building full of journalists were actually threatened to evacuate. And they sent message to international journalists—not Gazan journalists, international—to evacuate and leave the place. And we went there, all the human rights organization leaders, in solidarity, I mean, with them, and we held a press conference at that building, in front of that building, and in solidarity with them.

Once and again, Israel feel immune: they are not going to be held accountable. They count too much in U.S., and they count too much in Europe, and they know that, you know, they are not going to be criticized or blamed, as far, I mean, all these superpowers giving them that protection. And that’s why they feel almost having a free hand to do whatever they want to do.

And by the way, yesterday, when they bombarded al-Dalo three-stories house, and they killed these 12 people, 10 from one family, they said, "Well, we committed minor mistake. We just didn’t pick the right house. We think the house which was supposed to be targeted, the one next to it." So they mean, I mean, even choosing houses, choosing inhabited houses, choosing houses full of civilians, it’s very legitimate target for one reason, because the owner of that house is in Hamas or Fatah or belong to this or that group. This is a clear policy, again Israel putting in the eye of the storm civilians, and they are doing a Dahiya doctrine. And I believe all introductions, especially in the last 24 hours, indicates in a very clear way that the worst is yet to come. And I’m anticipating and expecting soon, I mean, drastic change and much more killings and injuries and destruction going to happen in this part of the world, as if what had happened so far is not enough.

AMY GOODMAN: As you were saying, Raji Sourani, this is a tweet from the BBC: "Tower block gaza housing offices Arab tv channels & Al Aqsa tv of Hamas hit 3 times. Reports 7 injured." And we are showing live on Democracy Now! right now the tower where the—where the Palestinian media is. And for our radio listeners, you can go to our website at democracynow.org to see those images. As we wrap up, what you feel needs to be done now? Raji Sourani, you wrote a piece called "History is Repeated as the International Community Turns Its Back on Gaza," referring to what happened four years ago soon after President Obama was elected the first time in that interim before he was inaugurated, similar to what we’re seeing now, with Operation Cast Lead. What about the world community? What about Egypt now with a president from the Muslim Brotherhood? Who are you looking to to help? And I want to put that question also to Richard Falk after.

RAJI SOURANI: I want a free, committed people across the globe break this conspiratorial silence and to ask for rule of law and justice for this part of the world. All what we want, rule of law, not the rule of jungle. And Israel is effectively doing the rule of jungle in this part of the world. I think and I’m sure if Israel were held accountable in Cast Lead operation, wouldn’t dare to do this. As a citizen of the world who believes in the world of law, asking individuals, groups, states, to do something effective to have an end for this criminal offensive by Israel. Egypt and other states, they are good, but I don’t believe, I mean, they are in capacity to stop that. I think what we need, something very simple: very strong intervention to have an end for this crime and to bring peace to this part of the world, which only can it be brought by one thing: have an end for this Israeli belligerent occupation.

AMY GOODMAN: Raji Sourani, do you also call on Hamas to stop hitting Israel with their missiles?

RAJI SOURANI: Well, right of self-determination and right of self-defense, it’s a very basic fundamental right for any occupied people, but that should be abide with the rule of law, as well. And I think, you know, we should be on higher moral ground than this Israeli belligerent occupation. 


[Sourani segment]


[Falk segment]

[This interview was originally posted on Democracy Now!]

ملف من الأرشيف: عبدالله الطريقي

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[”ملف من الأرشيف“ هي سلسة تقوم ”جدلية“ بنشرها بالعربية والإنجليزية بالتعاون مع جريدة ”السفير“ اللبنانية. الملفات ستكون لشخصيات أيقونية تركت أثراً عميقاً في الحقل السياسي والثقافي في العالم العربي.]

  

 

 

الإسم:عبد الله
الشهرة:الطريقي
إسم الأب:حمود
إسم الأم:لؤلؤة
تاريخ الولادة: 1919
تاريخ الوفاة:
1997
الجنسية:
السعودية
مكان الولادة:
الزلفي
الفئة:
  سياسي
المهنة:
وزير

 

عبد الله الطريقي

  •  سعودي. 
  •  ولد في 19 آذار 1919 في بلدة الزلفي في السعودية. 
  •  توفي في القاهرة في 7 ايلول 1997 ودفن في الرياض.
  •  زوجته الأولى: إليانور نيكولاس (أميركية).
  •  زوجته الثانية: مهى جنبلاط (لبنانية).
  • انتقل إلى الكويت في سنة 1924 والتحق بمدرسة الأحمدية الابتدائية وبقي فيها خمس سنوات. 
  • سافر إلى الهند في سنة 1929برفقة أحد التجار وعمل معه لفترة قبل أن يحصل على منحة دراسية في مصر. 
  • سافر إلى القاهرة سنة 1933 للدراسة ونال الثانوية سنة 1938، ثم التحق بجامعة فؤاد الأول سنة 1939حيث درس الكيمياء. 
  •  فاز بمنحة للدراسة في الولايات المتحدة الأميركية، فالتحق بجامعة تكساس حيث نال الماجستير في الجيولوجيا بتخصص فرعي في هندسة البترول وكانت رسالته بعنوان "جيولوجيا المملكة العربية السعودية" وتخرج فيها سنة 1947. 
  •  عمل بعد تخرجه متدرباً في شركة "تكساكو" في كاليفورنيا بين 1945  1948و ثم عاد إلى السعودية. 
  •  عمل مسؤولاً عن مراقبة حسابات الحكومة في الدخل النفطي من شركة "آرامكو" في الظهران حيث تكشفت له الخبايا التي تؤثر في مصالح الحكومة السعودية ليعمل على تغييرها بعد ذلك من خلال تعيينه مديراً عاماً لشؤون الزيت والمعادن في العام 1954، الأمر الذي جعله يختلف مع شركة أرامكو. وكان لكشفه اعيب شركات البترول شأن في محاربة هذه الشركات له إعلامياً .
  •  لم تمر حادثة العدوان الثلاثي على مصر في العام 1956 من دون تأكيد لآرائه في كون البترول العربي سلاحاً فاعلاً، فقام بإبلاغ "آرامكو". أمر الملك سعود وقف إمدادات النفط السعودي إلى بريطانيا وفرنسا، واستطاع بذلك أن يحجز له مكانة متميزة على مستوى الوطن العربي. 
  • في سنة 1959 ترأس الوفد السعودي إلى مجلس النفط العربي. 
  •  في عامي 1960 و 1961عين وزيراً للبترول فكان أول وزير للبترول في حكومة المملكة. وبهذه الصفة ساهم مع وزير النفط الفنزويلي بيريز ألفونسو في تأسيس منظمة أوبك بهدف الدفاع عن مصالح الدول المنتجة للبترول والمصدرة له في مواجهة الشركات الأجنبية وتسخير الموارد البترولية لدعم برامج التنمية في الدول المنتجة. 
  •  بين عامي 1965 و 1970 أصدر مجلة "نفط العرب" التي رفعت شعار "نفط العرب للعرب". 
  • أقيل من منصبه بعد ضغوط مارستها الولايات المتحدة نتيجة مضايقاته لشركة "آرامكو" التي كانت تستثمر حقول النفط في المملكة العربية السعودية. 
  • عاش في بيروت بين عامي 1963 و1980 ثم انتقل إلى القاهرة في العام 1991 حيث استقر فيها مع زوجته وابنته هيا وعمل مستشاراً نفطياً لعدد من الدول العربية من بينها دولة الإمارات.
  • قام بعض محبيه بإنشاء "وقفية عبد الله الطريقي" وكُلّف مركز دراسات الوحدة العربية إدارة هذه الوقفية. وقد استخدم جزء من عائد الوقفية لإصدار أعماله الكاملة ولإنشاء جائزة باسمه، وقد منحت أول مرة للدكتور يوسف صايغ في 19 آذار 2000. 
  • ”مواقف لا تنسى للطريقي في الجزائر قبل عدوان الخامس من حزيران 1967“ نقلاً عن عبد الرحمن المنيف ، صديق الطريقي ، (جريدة السفير، 18 أيلول1997).
  • في ندوة الاشتراكيين العرب التي عقدت في الأيام الأخيرة من شهر أيار 1967، كان الشعار الأساسي الذي طرحه في تلك الندوة ”مقاطعة الغرب وأميركا واستعمال النفط سلاحاً في المعركة“.
  • يمكن أن نشير إلى الشعارات التي دعا إليها في إطار استخدام أمثل للنفط العربي سواء في البلد المنتج ذاته أو على مستوى المنطقة من حيث وضع سقف للإنتاج يتناسب وحاجات البلد المنتج للتنمية لأن الاستغلال السريع والجائر لهذه الثروة تبعاً لرغبات الشركات الاحتكارية ودولها سوف يبدد هذه الثروة.
  •  شدد على اتباع سياسة وطنية تراعي بالدرجة الأولى الوضع الداخلي ثم الوضع العربي.
  • من أقواله ”الغرب جاهز لتصدير صناعة الجوع إلى مجتمعاتنا“.
    (القبس، 1 كانون الثاني 2000). 

الثورة بصفة شخصية

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تحت ضوء عمدان الإنارة البرتقالي، امتلأ الميدان بالهتافات. هتافاتٍ متفرقة على كل ناصية؛ كان الشهر السادس من العام 2012، في الفترة بين الجولتين الأولى والثانية من الانتخابات الرئاسية، وكانت الثورة في حالة ارتعاشٍ. بينما لعبت السياسة لعبتها وراء الأبواب المغلقة.

كان الميدان ممتلئاً بعددٍ كبير من المتظاهرين، ولكنه خلا من أي روحٍ كانت؛ جاء الإخوان المسلمون يهتفون لمرشحهم محمد مرسي وضد المرشح الآخر، أحمد شفيق، والسلفيون عموماً ظهروا محتارين بعد قرار استبعاد مرشحهم الذي بذلوا دماءهم في مساندته، لكنهم كانوا يميلون أكثر إلى جانب الإخوان. أما الثوريين فقد حملوا حمدين صباحي (الذي حل في المركز الثالث بعد مرسي وشفيق في الجولة الأولى) على الأكتاف وطافوا به في الميدان وتصنّع جميعهم احساس امتلاك رمزٍ قائدٍ يوحِّد صفوفنا.

 تشارك ميدان التحرير ظمأ الثوار لقيادةٍ مُوحِّدة، مع ظمأ الإخوان وطمعهم في تاجٍ من ورق  يلوِّح به المجلس العسكري للمتبارين. من وسط الزحام، ظهر الصغير بوجهٍ باسمٍ مألوف، مد يده وصافحني مصافحة الألتراس، فعرفت مصدر الألفة. لكنه لم يزل يلمح نسياني اسمه، فقال:

"مش فاكر؟ إحنا الاتنين نعرف أسامة." ابتسمت محرجاً: "آه طبعاً فاكر! رابط رأسك ليه؟ دخلت عركة ولا إيه؟"ردّ بمرارة: "ليلة البارحة، كنا بنهتف ضد الإخوان، قاموا اتجمعوا وهاجمونا وضربوني أنا وإثنين من أصحابي."همهمت بمرارةٍ موازية: "عمرهم ماهيتغيروا ... هيفضلوا نفس الأصل الوسخ، هاه؟" لكنه أطبق قبضة يده وردّ حاسماً: "يلا، أنا والعيال هنجيب شماريخ (صواريخ نارية) بكره وهنعرّفهم."

بعد دقيقةٍ أو اثنتين، تذكرت أني فعلاً أعرفه وقد قابلته من قبل ... أكيد كانت تلك المرة، آخر مرةٍ قابلت فيها أسامة؛ كانت بالصدفة كالعادة في ميدان التحرير، قبل ما يزيد عن الشهر، في أوائل مايو، كان ذاك الصغير مع أسامة، وغنينا معاً أغاني الألتراس، ورقصنا لنغمها من مكبرات الصوت الكبيرة على منصة الألتراس في التحرير. كان أسامة يقضي ليلهُ في ذاك الوقت مع شباب الألتراس في حماية تلك المنصة الوحيدة من سيطرة السلفيين عليها، وحفظها لتكون منصةً لجميع القوى الثورية التي يحاول السلفيون إقصائها.

***

لم أتمكن من تذكر تلك الليلة دون تذكر ما لحقها بليالٍ معدودة؛ أحداث العباسية من صداماتٍ مع الجيش وبلطجيته. في واحدة من ليالي ذاك الصدام الدامية، كنت قد قضيت ليلتي في الكتابة، و لم أدر أي موقف اتخذ شخصياً من تلك المعركة بالذات؛ فالظروف كانت محيّرة، ومعظم جموع المتظاهرين كانوا سلفيين ممن لم يظهروا سوى مرتين أو ثلاث خلال العام والنصف الماضي، وكان كل ظهورهم في أيام جُمعٍ (أيام التظاهرات الحاشدة عادةً) للسيطرة على الميدان واستقصاء كل غيرٍ، في استعراضٍ للعضلات لايدوم إلا لساعات الظهيرة القليلة، قبل اضطرارهم للرجوع لقراهم قبل الغروب. وعموماً لم يكن السلفيون حشداً معتاداً في الصفوف الأولى من القتال في معاركنا المتكررة مع الأمن المركزي وقوات الجيش.

ومرةً واحدة ذات صباح استيقظ السلفيون خلال اعتصامهم بالتحرير (اعتراضاً على قرار استبعاد مرشحهم حازم أبو اسماعيل) وقد واتتهم الشجاعة وقرروا التحرك واقتحام وزارة الدفاع في العباسية ... مرة واحدة هكذا! 

العباسية بشوارعها الضيقة المستقيمة وقلة مخارجها وعدم موالاة سكانها للثورة في المعتاد هي فخ حقيقي لأي متظاهر. كانت لنا تجربة في العباسية من عامٍ مضى؛ حيث حوصرت إحدى المسيرات لساعاتٍ خلال توجهها للتظاهر أمام وزارة الدفاع، وهوجم المتظاهرون من جميع النواحي وأسطح العمارات، حوصروا من البلطجية من ناحية، ومن الناحية الأخرى من عساكر الجيش الذين وقفوا وراء ساتر الأسلاك الشائكة المنصوب خصيصاً لاعتراض التظاهرة. ورفضوا السماح للمتظاهرين بالمرور والهرب، وشاهدوا دماء المتظاهرين تسيل بأيدي البلطجية بدمٍ ساقع ... مما جعل إمام جامع العباسية يصرخ في الميكروفون باكياً ومستنجياً من الله حقن دماء المصريين. في تلك المسيرة من عامٍ مضى جُرح الكثيرون وقُتل شابٌ بضربة حجرٍ مباشرة في الرأس. سالت دماءٌ أكّد بها الجيش دون جدال حُرمة محيط وزارة الدفاع.

مر عام على تلك المسيرة، وفجأةً قرر السلفيون التوجه بمثل نيةٍ للعباسية هذه المرة دون اعتبارٍ للدرس من العام الماضي. وجد السلفيون أنفسهم  بين نارين: عساكر جيش كانوا قد استساغوا دم الثوار مرات عدة من قبل، وبلطجيةٌ أطلق الجيش أيديهم عبثاً. كنت أعلم في قرارة نفسي أن: "شباب الألتراس أكيد هناك ... عمرهم ما يفوّتوا أي ضرب في عساكر الحكومة."

أمضيت تلك الليلة وأنا أختلس نظرةً وأخرى على استحياءٍ على "الفيسبوك" بحثاً عن الأخبار بين حين وآخر. وفي إحدى تلك المرات رأيت أن رامي عصام قد نشر للتو صورة لأحدهم...مستلقٍياً على نقالة مستشفى حديدية ساقعة بيضاء، ورأسه مستقرٌ على هالاتٍ متشابكة من الدم المُلغْوَط ... وعينان ربع مفتوحتين باستراحة. تأملت في الوجه لأتأكد ... وإذا به هو ... أسامة. "أسامه مات شهيد." ... هكذا علّق رامي عصام على الصورة، وهكذا وصلني الخبر.

***

عدت من حرشة ذكرياتي، وحدّقت في وجه الصغير، وقلت له عازماً: "أنا ناوي أكتب عن أسامة. دا اللي أقدر أعمله ... وهأعمله لروحه." واعترفت للصغير بقلة معرفتي بأسامة وانحصارها حول ميدان التحرير؛ فلم أعرف لا اسمه الأخير ولا أين سكناه ولا أي شئٍ عن حياته خارج الميدان.

وبتكراري ذكر أسامة، أرسل الصغير عيناه في رحاب المدى الواسع للميدان وأردف بعد حين: "أسامة كان ساكن في حلوان، في نفس منطقتي. كنا بناخد المترو دايماً مع بعض من التحرير." أنهى الصغير كلماته على مهل ثم أشار لي على أبي أسامة وأمه وأخته ... مفترشين ناصية الرصيف نفسها التي قابلت أسامة عندها مراراً، متحامين بظل الميدان الذي لا يطوله نور أعمدة الإنارة.حييت أخته، وأحرجَت عينيّ الدامعتين بابتسامتها المتماسكة، ثم حييت أباه بجلبابه المتواضع وأمه بخمارها البسيط اللذين بديا كأبوين ليس لهما في هذه الدُنا الوسيعة سوى فلذة أكبادهما.

"كنت لسه شاري له مكنة (موتوسيكل) ومنعته حبيبي يركبها قبل ما أرخّصها من المرور؛ علشان مايضايقهوش أي عسكري مرور من غير لازمة،" قالها الأب في حزن، "وتعرف؟ حتى لما راح ابني أسامة، كمّلت في الإجراءات وخلّصتها من اسبوع. ومركونة هيا دلوقتي تحت البيت مش عارف أعمل بيها إيه ... مش عارف أعمل إيه..."

***

قضيت دقائق أستمع لكلمات أبو أسامة بينما تكاثفت عليّ الذكريات؛ أخذتني إلى لميع تلك الرصاصة الذهبية الرفيعة، في ليلةٍ باردة في مارس الماضي، أخرجها صديقي "الماجيك" (ألتراس وايت نايتس) من جيبه وأخذ يحدق في بريق ذهبها الداكن، وهو يدوّرها بين اصبعيه.

قلت متسائلاً: "لقيتها فين دي؟" فرد: "لقيتها جنب سور المتحف المصري، أكيد وقعت من واحد من عساكر الجيش في واحدة من المرات اللي طاردونا فيها." ثم عاد "الماجيك" بنظره للرصاصة الأنيقة، وساءل نفسه بصوتٍ عال: "بقى هي دي اللي قتلت صاحبي محمود؟ البتاعة الصغيره دي؟"

أسكتني تساؤله في حينها، وبعث بنظري هارباً بعيداً في مدى الميدان، ولازال ظل بريق تلك الرصاصة بين إصبعيه يقبع في ركن عيني. لكني لم اتصور في ذلك الوقت أن شهوراً ستمضي وسأجد نفسي واقعاً في ذات التساؤل؛ "بقى هي دي اللي قتلت صاحبي أسامة؟ البتاعة الصغيرة دي؟"

ولِم الحياة إذاً؟ ولِم الثورة إذاً؟ إن لم يكن للواحد منا الكمال حتى في الثورة، ومهما كان منه للثورة، فسينتهي في لحظةٍ من اللحظات، وسيُطلب من الجميع تقبّل تكملة القصة دون التوقف كثيراً عند دوره المنتهي... لولم يكن في ثورتنا ثورةً أيضاً على الزمن وفِعل الوقت، فما فرق الثورة إذاً عن عاديّ الحياة؟

***

كانت أقصى متع أسامة وأصدقائه من الألتراس تبادل القصص والحكاوي التي كانت في أجزاءٍ منها سهواً في المبالغة أو الأسطورة. لا يتحاكون أبداً عن الأهل أو الدراسة أو أي معاشٍ خارج ميدان التحرير بالعموم. يناولون بعضهم البعض قصصهم من الثورة، على صفوفها الأولى، ومن أيامها الأولى على بوابات تأمين حدود الميدان مثلاً. يناولون بعضهم قضماً من نفسهم التي لا حياة لها إلا في تلك القصص ولا مكان لحكيها دون ميدان التحرير.

والثورة بالنسبة لهم قد بدأت بالفعل منذ خمس سنين (منذ إنشاء مجموعات الألتراس) في منازلاتهم لعساكر الأمن المركزي الذين احتقروا ملاعب الكرة ومشجعيها لدرجة دخول الأمن الملاعب بالخيّالة وتدنيسهم لأعلام الألتراس. يعتبر الألتراس مدرجات الكرة مملكتهم، وفيها بدأت ثورتهم ضد اضطهاد الأمن المركزي (الداخليه) ومنها تنتهي ثورتهم تلك في ثورة التحرير، في جنبات الميدان المتفرقة ... حيث كل نهايةٍ هي بعثٌ من جديد.

بينهم وبين الله يحفظون خطاً رفيعاً، لا أكثر ولا أقل. وعند كل واحدٍ منهم وجه صديق قد قضى واستشهد بين أذرعه أو فداء له. في مذبحة الألتراس في بورسعيد في فبراير الماضي، والتي نجا منها صديقي معتز(ألتراس أهلاوي)؛ كان الزحف فوق أكوامٍ من جثث أصدقائه ووجوههم الدامية هو طريق خلاصه الوحيد ونفاذه من مخرج الاستاد المشؤوم. "صاحبي اللي استشهد، الله يرحمه،" هي  جملةُ لا اعتراضية يمرون بها كثيراً في حديثهم. وبين كل ذلك، يجدون بالتأكيد فسحةً للتراقص في حفلات الأفراح الشعبية في حاراتهم، والتغامز عن البنات الحلوات. بعد كل هذا قد يقول البعض أن كلنا نشطاء في الثورة، فقط كلٌ بطريقته. أما معرفتي فهي أن أياً من شباب الألتراس لم يقض وقته في الحديث عن الثورة على "تويتر"، من على شاطئ البحر كغيرهم.

***

أمعنت في أسئلتي عن أسامة، وكلما زاودتُّ في أسئلتي، زاود أبوه في إعطائي ذات الإجابة؛ أخذ في الحديث عن الظلم والنظام الفاسد والثورة كلها في كل مرةٍ سألته عن أسامة وَحده. ظل يكررها كثيراً حتى أنه طلب مني تكرارها وراءه: "إذا غاب العدل والحق فلا تتوقع أن يقابلك سوى الظلم والطغيان."

رأيته أباً يفتقد صحبة ابنه الوحيد. قلت له متسائلاً: "رأيك إيه في كل الناس اللي بتتظاهر هنا في التحرير الليلة دي؟" نظر حوله سريعاً، وأشار باصبعه في نصف دائرة، وقال حانقاً ومتمللاً: "دول؟ كلهم هيجيلهم وقت ويروّحوا بيوتهم، والدنيا يابني هتمشي عادي."

***

خلال كتابتي لهذا المقال، ثـقـلَ علىّ التفكير المشلول في زيارة قبر أسامة؛ رأيت أنها ضرورة ولم أعرف كيف أضع السؤال عند الاتصال بأهله: "أروح أزور أسامة فين؟"—سخيفة، "أسامة مدفون فين؟"—ثقيله ، "قبر أسامة فين؟" ، ولا أعرف أيهم اخترت عند الاتصال.

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رقيقٌ خصرها خفيفة الروح

وقد ترقد في جمود ألوان الشوارع، وجفاف رسوم الحوائط

الحي فيها صخرٌ يأكل منه موج الخرطوش و المسيل للدموع

والحُرّ فيها شهيدٌ

ويتهامسون؛ أحقاً اسمه شهيد؟

ولا يعرفون همس خشب الصناديق حديثة الطلاء 

ولا نَسَمهَا في الداخل

صندوقاً وراء آخر ... نودع فيها زهرنا ... مُنقشاً بأحمر الدم

وإذا أردنا الزيارة، نتصل بأحد الأقارب ... ليأتي بمفتاح المقابر

نتلمس مسامحة روحنا التائهة في قسمات ترابٍ أسودٍ داكن

ولا تأتي 

دون ذلك ... هي حياة تسير 

وفي أحاديثنا، نتحدث عن موتانا و نحن نرتشف شاياً ثقيلاً

وهي في قولنا جملةً عادية ... ليست اعتراضية

نقولها وننصرف

***

أتساءل كثيراً ... أين تذهب أجيال كل ثورةٍ بعد انقضاء آخر عُرسٍ في ثورتها؟ يستمرون في حياتهم وقضاء الأشياء، لكنهم بالتأكيد يتوقفون عن أي فعلٍ ثوري، وقد يرضون حتى بالظلم لعقودٍ أخرى. قد يعوّض بعضهم قلة فعله الثوري بأحاديث حنينٍ لماضِ راح وانتهي مع تناقص الأصدقاء... لكن كيف يطغى عندهم التشبث بضمانات الحياة وتلابيبها على الثورة؟ متى يحدث ذاك التحوّل؟

مثلاً الحركة الطلابية القوية التي ازدهرت في السبعينيات، وانتفاضة 1977 التى كانت انتفاضةً شعبية حقيقية؛ أُجهضت تلك الثورة، وسمّاها من قامت ضده في الأصل، فسمّاها السادات: "ثورة الحرامية" ولاعجب. وعاش ذاك الجيل ليكون منه آباؤنا الذين قبلوا العيش لعقودٍ تحت حكم مبارك، وحتّى أنه لمّا جاءت ثورة يناير، عارضها بعضهم.

نعم، انتصر الظلم على جيل تلك الانتفاضة، لكن الظلم لم يكن بجديدٍ عليهم؛ قد عرفوا الظلم بالفعل وإلا لما قاموا بانتفاضة 1977 في الأساس، لم تتغير عناصر المعادلة، لكنهم انقلبوا من ثورتهم لقبول الظلم لسنين عدة، وحتى مناهضة الثورة عليه من البعض منهم في منتهى المطاف.

بعد الثورة بشهورٍ قليلة، قضيت بضعة أيامٍ أحاور البعض من المثقفين والفنانين والثوريين ممن كانوا في عشرينياتهم في السبعينيات ووقت انتفاضة 1977. اجتمع كل من حاورتهم في قول ذات الشئ: "الواحد منا عاش التلاتين سنة اللي فاتوا بشغله وأسرته والتزامات حياته على ناحية، وعلى ناحية التانيه بأمنية؛ أمنيه إن الواحد يشوف ثورة كاملة تقوم في حياته قبل انتهاء العمر، وجاءت ثورة يناير لتحقيق الأمنيه دي."

استمعت لكلمات أحدهم المُكررة وأنا أسترق النظر خلال نافذة المقهى متابعاً الجموع المتجهة للتحرير، وساءلت نفسي: أأكرر أنا ذات الحديث بعد ثلاثين عاماً من الآن؟ هل تنضب الثورة، وأعيش ثلاثين عاماً في انتظار ثورةٍ أخرى ألحقها قبل الممات؟ ربما تُصبغ الثورة بصبغةٍ شخصية عند الواحد منا في لحظة ما، وتضيف تلك الصبغة توحّداً مع الثورة ينقلها من كونها ثورةً في قلب الواحد منا وعقله لثورةً تقبع حتى في تكوين زفير الواحد وشهيقه ... وعندها يصبح وجود الفرد في ذاته ثورة.

ربما...

أما عن أسامة فأظن أن راحتي تستقر في التصالح مع جمود الحقيقة؛ قد عشنا التحرير معاً، كانت لكلانا عينٌ ربيت رؤاها في جنبات الميدان، وقلبٌ تعلم الأسماء من همس الثورة. جاءت تلك الرصاصة التي أخذت حياة أسامة، وفرقت ثورتينا ... كلاً في مسار، وعلى ذلك تستمر الحياة ... والثورة.

***

في الليلة التى علمت فيها باستشهاد أسامة، كتبت هذه القصيدة سريعاً:

كلها كلماتُ منتهاها

كما هو منتهاه؛ في الهواء...

انتهى هو حيث نبدأ نحن يوماً جديداً...

مروراً بغربانٍ تقزقز رفات نسياننا...

موتى الليلة السابقة

ثورة ثورة!

إعقلها و توكل...

في بيتك جوة

تطوي ابتسامتك و تتجهم قليلاً

قد تبكي قصيراً

ثم تطوي يومك و تهتف اليوم اللاحق

"الثورة مستمرة!"

قلها

فأنت نصفُ من كل شئٍ

وأنت فقط تكمل في الشهادة...

أهي حقاً شهادة؟

صدقها فذلك أفضل كثيراً...

 وأيضاً رددها "الثورة مستمرة"...

فتعدادك في قولها

هو تعداد أنفاسك

قبل وصولك الكمال.

***

في النهاية، أظن أن الثورة هي نفضة عشق الزمن ... التى تداعب المنصرف عنها ولاتدل طالبها على طريقٍ، لن تدعك تفقد الأمل ورغم ذلك لن تخلصك من الحيرة المستمرة. هي إيمانٌ نـقـتات عليه نحن فقط ونحتاجه دون الغير. قد يقول البعض أننا متطرفون في مطالبنا أو أننا جهلةٌ بقيمة تقدير مرور الزمن والصبر والانتظار، والحقيقة هي أننا بالفعل متطرفون في مطالبنا، لا ترضينا أنصاف الحلول وإلا ما يميز إذاً زمن الثورة عن غيره من أزمان الانكسار؟ وبالفعل نحن لا قيمة عندنا لحلول انتظار الزمان ولا لفضيلة الصبر؛ في الثورة يفقد الزمان والمكان كل معانيهما التقليدية، ولذلك لن تجد على وجوهنا حفر الزمن ولا فعل سنين العمر. أبعث إليك بهذه الكلمات، إن وصلتك صديقي فاعلم ... أن الثورة بخير.

 

New Texts Out Now: Mark LeVine and Gershon Shafir, Struggle and Survival in Palestine/Israel

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Mark LeVine and Gershon Shafir, editors. Struggle and Survival in Palestine/Israel. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2012.

Jadaliyya (J): What made you write this book?

Mark LeVine (ML): I first came up with the idea for the book after teaching Terry Burke's seminal volume Struggle and Survival in the Modern Middle East in a modern Middle East lecture course during the same quarter I was teaching my Israel/Palestine course. I realized that while there were very important advances in scholarship on the conflict and its histories, students were easily overwhelmed by the complexity of the historical processes involved in the new narratives. Seeing how successfully Burke's book helped students in my Middle East course deepen their insights into both the macro/national and micro/local processes, I felt that a similar volume devoted specifically to social biographies of Palestinian Arab and Jewish inhabitants of Palestine/Israel from the late Ottoman period through the present day would help them concretize the important insights of the revisionist or “new” historians and sociologists.

Gershon Shafir (GS): This book has two primary goals. The first is to complement the bird’s eyes perspective, which gives us the lay of land at a low resolution, with an ant’s eye perspective, biographies at a high resolution that are the beating heart of history. 

The second goal is to challenge the social sciences themselves. Sociology, political science, economics, but history usually as well, inform us by analyzing, by reconstructing and highlighting large-scale impersonal forces, nationalism, modernization, colonialism. I am hoping to redirect our telescope and turn it on the contribution of biographies to the analytic methods and meta-theories deployed by academic disciplines. In other words, biographical narratives opened the door to a renewed focus on human agency through an ant’s eye perspective, but such a perspective also should challenge social scientists and historians to rethink the methods used in the study of society and history.

J: What particular topics, issues, and literatures does it address?

ML: The book tries to address many of the most important historiographic and sociological questions that interest scholars today. Conceptually and theoretically, we outline in our introduction an argument for greater attention to social biographies and histories as a crucial component of contemporary scholarship. We also felt it was important to divide the book chronologically in order to ensure readers could get a feel for the lives of ordinary (and in a few cases elite) inhabitants of the country in the late Ottoman, Mandate, post-1948, post-1989, and present eras. Most but not all the chapters are the stories of individuals living during the particular period covered in the part of the book in which their chapter is located. But we also expand the notion of social biography to cover buildings and villages.

GS: People sometimes live and frequently tell their lives as narratives that follow a plot, fall into particular genres, are told from a particular point of view, are held together and endowed with a moralizing significance, and always address and interact with particular audiences. The compilation and study of social biographies, therefore, points to the benefits of building bridges between history and the social sciences and literature.   

J: How does this work connect to and/or depart from your previous research and writing?

ML: This work is a natural evolution from my work on the social and economic history of Palestine and Israel in the last 150 years. On the one hand, the contributions we feature strongly support the thrust and implications of the last two generations of Palestinian and Israeli scholarship on the two communities' histories and basic structural dynamics. On the other hand, by focusing largely on individual lives and experiences, the stories in our book remind us of the limits of even the most state of the art approaches to the historiography and present sociological and political dynamics governing the two societies and their implicated, if highly conflicted, relationship. That is, we remind people of the need to focus on the individual—whether the individual moment or person—even as we strive to uncover more elaborate and nuanced structural explanations for the various phenomena we all study.

GS:Struggle and Survival in Palestine/Israel is a radical departure from my earlier books in which I painted the conflict with broad strokes, as it is for my own discipline—sociology. Even when social scientists champion greater emphasis on individuals, as C. Wright Mills, Dennis Wrong, but also Herbert Marcuse did in the early 1960s, and more recently as Gaytari Spivak did in “Can the Subaltern Speak?” they do not necessarily advocate the study of individual life histories. Rather, they seek to provide better social science explanations for the uniformity and conformity of individual behavior rather than analytic tools for differentiation between individuals. This book’s goal is the opposite—to let many diverse individual voices bloom.

J: Who do you hope will read this book, and what sort of impact would you like it to have?

ML: I hope that this book will inspire and engage two types of readers: first, students and scholars who are intensively studying the country and its two peoples; second, lay readers who normally don't have the patience or background to explore some of the most sensitive aspects of the conflict in complete honesty. If we can get scholars to focus more on social and narrative histories at the micro level—of course anthropologists do this all the time, but historians, sociologists, and geographers far less so—we can help strengthen the broader understanding of Jewish and Arab Palestine across time.

GS: My initial goal was to offer a book to undergraduates at US colleges in Middle Eastern studies programs that would complement the analytically-driven volumes they are commonly assigned (and that I commonly assign)—namely books that analyze impersonal forces—with one that offers stories they can touch and that could potentially touch them. The goal was to tell stories that help humanize the conflict, which draw attention to human agency, and just possibly open the door to reimagining some of the basic premises of Israeli and Palestinian identity, history, politics, and through them, the conflict itself.

As our work proceeded, I began to see a broader potential in reaching out to Palestinians and Israelis as well. Ever since I wrote my dissertation on Antonio Gramsci’s Prison Notebooks, I had in the back of my mind the poignant observation from a letter he wrote, from the Fascist prison, to his wife, who all but stopped corresponding with him. Gramsci wrote to her that “Misfortune commonly has two effects: the first is the extinction of all feeling towards those who endure it, while the second—no less common—is the extinction in the latter of all feeling towards those who do not endure it.” This appears to describe many tragic situations, not the least of which is the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. Under the pressure to circle the wagons and to declare “my tribe, right or wrong,” those who forge exclusive nationalist, ethnic, and/or religious identities forgo the ability to walk in the shoes of their adversaries. When that happens, they lose the imagination that is necessary to think creatively, transcend oppression, and prevent continued violence. Among the many casualties of conflict is the sense of empathy for victims of the other side and, consequently, reading an anthology such as this offers an opportunity to experience greater understanding. This book is also an exercise in empathy. Empathy does not weaken one’s claim to justice, since it consists not only of sensitivity to others’ vulnerability and need, but also to the integrity of their biographies as well as to their sense of justice.

J: What other projects are you working on now?

ML: I am presently finishing two books. The first is an edited volume, also coming out from the University of California Press, on the Parallel States solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Co-edited with retired Ambassador Mathias Mossberg of Sweden, it details how shared sovereignty and a delinking of territory and political control and authority could encourage a more fair and just solution to the conflict. My second book project, titled The Five Year Old who Toppled a Pharaoh, explores the long history that produced the Arab uprisings of the last two years, with particular reference to the rise of modern and contemporary public spheres and the role of globalization and new media technologies on the changing balance of power between states and opposition movements across the region.

GS: I recently started a study in which I examine the legal and juridical-political dynamics that, on the one hand, facilitate the intrusiveness and longevity of Israel’s occupation and, on the other hand, contribute to the temporariness of Israeli legal claims and limit their political significance. While the lack of sovereignty in the occupied Palestinian territories renders it vulnerable to the Israeli settlement project, it also leaves doors open to innovative conflict resolution. It is this legal and political indeterminacy—the practical untidiness caused by the tension between the exclusivity and permanence of political sovereignty and the transitory and jerrybuilt nature of military occupation—that I wish to highlight and investigate.

J: How do the sources referenced in your work contribute to the rethinking of common notions on this "area of conflict"?

GS: Here are two ways. As sociologists will be content to tell you, groups devote a great deal of energy to, and have specialized members whose role it is, to “homogenize” their members. One of the findings we anticipated in gathering the life stories included in this anthology (but even so were surprised by its pervasiveness) is the extent to which no one turned to be “typical.” No one was a “good” or “average” representative of the Palestinian or Israeli group or social category. Groups, it seems, are much more diverse than sociologists imagine them to be. In fact, I feel that one of the most effective ways in which the elusive category of human agency can be operationalized is “to measure” the extent to which individuals become who they are by differing from their putative group.

In the past decade or two, the religious dimension of the conflict began to overshadow its nationalist origins. As a result, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict that is produced and reproduced by the interaction of the two sides is slowly replaced with the view that all the “historical responsibility” rests with just one side. According to these religious approaches, Israelis or Palestinians are not responding to each other’s behavior but acting out their unchanging “essence” and, consequently, in place of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict there is only an “Israeli conflict” or only a “Palestinian conflict.” The essentialist approach suggests that the conflict is unsolvable. In this book, the conflict is put back into the study of the conflict. After all, conflicts do have solutions.

ML: It is important to realize that even in a space and a conflict as thoroughly researched as Palestine/Israel and the century-long struggle between Zionist Jews and Palestinian Arabs, there are still many areas that remain understudied and either little understood or completely misunderstood. By focusing on over two dozen stories of individuals and collectivities who, for the most part, have not been well-described before (particularly to a non-specialist audience), we hope not merely to bring the specificities of their stories to light but also to encourage more research into the voices, communities, and events that have till now not received proper attention.

At the same time, as Gershon has highlighted, I think our focus on social histories, narratives, and biographies offers a theoretical challenge to scholarship that still focuses on the grand events, such as the 1948 or 1967 wars or state/elite-dominated processes such as the settlements or the (de)development of the two economies, to the exclusion of the personal experiences of the majority of the country's inhabitants which ultimately remain the most basic elements of the history that has unfolded there. And, it must be stressed, our collection only scratches the surface of the kinds of voices—not merely of people, but of commodities (licit and illicit), ideas, cultural products, technologies, and even animals and household items—that have continuously circulated among and between the two primary communities, as well as the other groups with whom they have shared the territory over the last century and a half. This could easily have been a three-volume book, and we hope the work featured here inspires colleagues to continue the work of gathering stories from unexpected places and bringing them together to shed new light on the origins, history, and present dynamics of Israeli and Palestinian societies.

Excerpts from Struggle and Survival in Palestine/Israel

From Mark Levine and Gershon Shafir, “Introduction: Social Biographies in Making Sense of History”

Social biographies offer a particularly fruitful avenue for producing new knowledge about the history and contemporary dynamics of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in a way that reflects their deep complexity and implicate nature. To borrow a phrase from Nietzsche, like other actors in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict historians “bear visibly the traces of those sufferings which...result [from] an excess of history.” These scars include not only the physical and psychic suffering of Palestinians and Israelis during more than a century of conflict but also the victimization of historiography, which has too often been reduced to an essentialist, teleological, and (for Israelis and the West more broadly) triumphalist view of Israel’s history and the world’s history, both in their recent narrative and in the longue durée of Palestine's modern history.

The individual and collective biographies that comprise this volume make at least four contributions to the study of Israeli and Palestinian nationalisms, adding significant value to the comprehension of the history of which they are part. These contributions are (a) the emphasis on human agency and the humanization of history; (b) the introduction of marginal or subaltern voices that broaden the larger narrative and in so doing unbind our imagination; (c) the recognition that people are rarely ‘typical’ representatives of their groups; and, finally, (d) the observation that people sometimes live and frequently tell their lives as narrative plots, because of which the literary aspects of their stories requires their own distinct attention.

These contributions focus on two themes, agency and imagination, both of which are particularly valuable in approaching what is frequently portrayed as the intractable Israeli-Palestinian conflict. As the conflict has persisted, particular limitations of its study have rigidified into major analytic obstacles. The value of the four general contributions found in the study of life histories is that each matches up with and helps makes visible one specific obstacle to a better understanding of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. We have chosen to highlight the following four impediments to a nuanced, and therefore fuller and more satisfying, analysis of Israeli-Palestinian relations: (a) the often repeated “myths of agency”—the assertion, on the one hand, that only in Israel have Jews recovered their sovereign and complete freedom of agency, and on the other, the profession of Palestinian powerlessness and loss of agency as the result of the Nakba and other scourges visited on them by Zionism; (b) the growing influence of those who seek to replace the view of the conflict as an interactive process with one that blames just one side or the other for its the persistence; (c) the recurrent rigid sociological division of the contenders into two homogenous groups within a zero-sum conflict; and (d) the ongoing subjugation of personal narratives in order to legitimate public narrative plots.

[…] 

From Gershon Shafir, “Revolutionary Pioneer: Manya Shochat and Her Commune”

To carry out their role effectively, Hashomer members had to learn to behave like the Arab guards they replaced—that is, to learn Arabic, and seek to comprehend their manners, sense of honor and ethics. In imitation of Palestinian villages, Hashomer established hospitality rooms (madfia) to entertain passersby. Contemporary photographs invariably show Hashomer members in Arab clothing and Arab head dresses. Hashomer not only imitated the Bedouin outwardly but also derived its idea of heroism from them the Circassians. In the Second Aliya, to be an upright Jew meant to carry oneself like a mounted Bedouin! Some of the Jewish workers, in fact, accused members of Hashomer of assimilation into the Palestinian environment. But as Manya Shochat, who became one of the organization’s chroniclers, remarked: "experience taught them that if courage is required in the moment of a clash, much more important is the daily contact, which alone can create an atmosphere of good relations and security in the vicinity." Such close contact also ensured relatively free flow information about local thieves and potential assaults.

[…] 

From Lætitia Bucaille, “Majed al-Masri in Two Intifadas in Nablus”

Trapped by the Israeli Defence Forces, stuck with old friends he could not live without, Majed had lost his chance to change his destiny. Before he met Leila, Majed fell in love with a Canadian woman he could barely communicate with. Despite their differences and their difficulties to exchange, they spent a lot of time together. After a few months, she offered to help him emigrate to Canada. Majed thought about starting a new existence but he felt like he could not shun his fate as a “guy from Balata,” from occupied Palestine. He had never worked in a civil environment. Would be able to have a normal job in a peaceful country? Would he be someone outside Palestine? Escaping from his destiny was both a dream and a nightmare.

[…]

From Ramzy Baroud, “The Trees Die Standing”

Engulfed by my own rebellious feelings, I picked up another stone, and a third. I moved forward, even as bullets flew, even as my friends began falling all around me. I could finally articulate who I was, and for the first time on my own terms. My name was Ramzy, and I was the son of Mohammed, a freedom fighter from Nuseirat, who was driven out of his village of Beit Daras, and the grandson of a peasant who died with a broken heart and was buried beside the grave of my brother, a little boy who died because there was no medicine in the refugee camp’s UN clinic. My mother was Zarefah, a refugee who couldn’t spell her name, whose illiteracy was compensated by a heart overflowing with love for her children and her people, a woman who had the patience of a prophet. I was a free boy; in fact, I was a free man.

[…]

From Erin Olsen, “Mais in the War of the Words”

“I recognize the Holocaust to be devastating. I understand the shear numbers of it. It was a huge destruction of human life. I want to say to the Israelis that we may not have a six-million member holocaust, but that woman that stands at the checkpoint, in the midst of losing her unborn child, that is not let through to go to the hospital—when she lost that child, that was a holocaust for her. When each of us loose members of our family to war crimes it is a holocaust. Numbers do matter. No one should destroy, marginalize or ignore the suffering of the loss of so many, but I believe that to kill your first human is the hardest step. If you can kill one human life you can kill a million. If Israel has created a society where it is OK to kill a single Palestinian in the name of Jewish survival—they are perpetuating a holocaust. That’s what we all need to consider this conflict on—a personal level. It should not be about if my group of people is worse or better than another group of people, but ask if I myself continue destruction or find a path to good. And could we stop using the word ‘Holocaust’? It is such a powerful word. It is language that makes people required to agree with you. I guess it is why I just used it.”

[Excerpted from Mark LeVine and Gershon Shafir, editors, Struggle and Survival in Palestine/Israel, by permission of the editors. © 2012 by The Regents of the University of California. For more information, or to purchase this book, please click here.]

Arabian Peninsula Media Roundup (November 21)

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[This is a roundup of news articles and other materials circulating on the Arabian Peninsula and reflects a wide variety of opinions. It does not reflect the views of the Arabian Peninsula Page Editors or of Jadaliyya. You may send your own recommendations for inclusion in each week's roundup to ap@jadaliyya.comby Monday night of every week.]

Reports and Opinions

On the Oil that Burned the Arab Spring Tareq Aziza provides an analysis of the positions of Saudi Arabia and Qatar towards the uprisings in the Arab countries, on Al-Akhbar English. 

Who Qualifies as a Human Rights Defender? Mona Kareem writes a reply to Sultan al-Qassemi’s “UAE Political Islamists Are Not Defenders of Human Rights,” on Al-Akhbar English.

Residential tower block in Dubai evacuated after fire breaks out A news report on a fire in a 34-story tower, which is part of Jumeirah Lakes Towers, in The Independent.

Dubai skyscraper on fire A video footage of the 34-story tower caught on fire, in The Guardian. 

Saudi gets life sentence over US bombing plot A news report on Khalid Aldawsari who was handed a life sentence for plotting attacks on US targets, on Al-Jazeera English.

Repression in Bahrain

New Bahrain trade federation splits union movement Bill Law examines the establishment of the Bahrain Labor Union Free Federation and its implication for the trade union movement in the Gulf kingdom, on BBC.

Bahrain activists demand action over rights abuses A news report on the meeting of Bahraini human rights activists in The Hague, on BBC.

Bahraini brothers lose nationality A media report on Jawad and Jalal Fairuz, two former members of the parliament, who were among thirty-one activists denaturalized by the government recently, on Al-Jazeera English.

Crisis in Yemen

South Yemen: Unification Dream Becomes Nightmare Jomana Farhat analyzes the reasons that many south Yemenis, who were avid supporters of unification in 1990, became disillusioned later on, on Al-Akhbar English.

Dozens who protested in Yemen during Arab Spring still missing Abdurrahman Shamlan reports on sixty-four missing youths and the government’s denial of any involvement in their kidnapping or disappearance, in the National Post. 

Accord elusive in Yemen Nasser Arrabyee examines the Yemeni political situation in light of a proposed national dialogue, bombings, and a separatist movement, on Al-Ahram. 

Deaths in Yemen military plane crash A news report on a military plane crash near the main airport in Sanaa, on Al-Jazeera English.  

Protests and the Election Law in Kuwait

Kuwaitis’ views on street protests ahead of controversial polls A media report on the diverse opinions held by Kuwaitis on the political significance of the opposition’s rallies and protests before the parliamentary elections next month, on BBC.

Kuwait arrests four over Twitter remarks A news report on the arrest of four Kuwaitis for comments considered insulting to the emir, on al-Akhbar English. 

Human Rights Watch

UAE: Make Good on Human Rights Commitments A statement by the organization urging the Gulf state to undertake serious steps towards human rights after its election as a member of the United Nations Human rights Council.

Education

Qatar’s oil and gas wealth fuels ambition for learning Sean Coughlan writes on The Educate A Child Initiative, launched during an education summit in Doha, on BBC.

Qatar Spearheads Efforts to Educate 61 Million Children Angela Shah provides an account of the initiative, which was created by Sheikha Moza bint Nasser, wife of the Qatari emir, in The New York Times.

Saudi Arabia struggles to employ its most-educated women Kevin Sullivan addresses the challenges faced by educated Saudi women to find jobs, in The Independent and The Washington Post.

Culture

Uncovering the hidden bodies in Saudi art Jane O’Brien reports on the exhibition Roads of Arabia: Archaeology and History of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, which is held at the Freer and Sackler in Washington, on BBC.

Markets and Business

ETHIOPIA TO LIFT UAE BAN A news report on the Ethiopian government’s decision to lift the ban on female domestic workers following a new labor agreement, on Migrantrights.

Paris Hilton takes Mecca Sulome Anderson reports on the reactions to Hilton’s new store in Mecca, in Foreign Policy.

Sports

Fifa to investigate new allegations over Qatar 2022 World Cup bid Owen Gibbson writes on the investigations to be conducted by Michael Garcia, a new ethics committee chief, into corruption allegations surrounding Qatar’s successful bid, in The Guardian.

Arabic

Russia Today Interview with Co-Editor Mouin Rabbani and Others on Gaza Assault

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In the following joint appearance on Russia Today's Cross Talk, Jadaliyya Co-Editor Mouin Rabbani discusses the Israeli assault on Gaza highlighting the on-the-ground situation, the backdrop to this current attack, and the ways in which genuine resolution would need to be achived.

Text of Israel-Hamas Ceasefire Agreement

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[The following is the text of the cease-fire agreement between Israel and Hamas that is set to take effect at 9pm Cairo time on 21 November 2012.]

Israel shall stop all hostilities in the Gaza Strip land sea and air, including incursions and targeting of individuals.

All Palestinian factions shall stop all hostilities from the Gaza Strip against Israel, including rocket attacks and all attacks along the border.

Opening the crossings and facilitating the movement of people and transfer of goods and refraining from restricting residents' free movements and targeting residents in border areas. Procedures of implementation shall be dealt with after 24 hours from the start of the ceasefire.

Other matters as may be requested shall be addressed.

Implementation mechanism:

Setting up the zero hour understanding to enter into effect.

Egypt shall receive assurances from each party that the party commits to what was agreed upon.

Each party shall commit itself not to perform any acts that would breach this understanding. In case of any observations, Egypt as a sponsor of this understanding, shall be informed to follow up.

 


Jadaliyya Co-Editor Noura Erakat on China Radio International's Big Debate

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In the below interview that was conducted on 21 November 2012, Jadaliyya Co-Editor Noura Erakat is part of a panel discussion on China Radio International's Big Debate to discuss recent developments regarding Israel's assault on Gaza. In addition to Noura Erakat, the panel features Daniel Levy (European Council on Foreign Relations) and Hua Liming (former Chinese ambassador to Iran).

 

الجبهة القومية للعدالة والديمقراطية تحمل "مرسي"مسؤولية أحداث "محمد محمود"وتدعوكم للمشاركة في جمعة عيون الحرية

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تتابع الجبهة القومية للعدالة والديمقراطية ما يحدث في محيط شارع محمد محمود والقصر العيني الآن بكل حسرة. فكل تفاصيل الأحداث الجارية تؤكد أن شيئاً لم يتغير منذ أحداث محمد محمود المهيبة في عام 2011. الشرطة لازالت تبطش بالمتظاهرين، والمطالب كما هي لم تتغير لأن النظام لا يعمل على تحقيق أي مطلب من مطالب الثورة. يتم تكرار أساليب التحريض على المتظاهرين بشكل حرفي، حتى قصص "الترامادول" واتهام "ممدوح حمزة" لم يتغيرا، والمتظاهرون لم يتغيروا—وكأن مصر أضاعت عاماً كاملاً دون أن تحقق أي تقدم في أي مجال.

ولا عجب فيما يحدث من قتل واعتقال وتنكيل وتعذيب للمتظاهرين، فوزير الداخلية الحالي هو مدير الأمن العام الذي أدار الشرطة في "محمد محمود" الأولى. الموقعة التي شهدت سقوط 72 شهيد. وقد قام بالبطش بالمتظاهرين والنشطاء في أثناء عمله كمدير أمن في عهد مبارك، ولا يوجد في سجله أي شيء يختلف عن نهج مدراء أمن مبارك، سوى أنه ترك الإخوان يُسيّرون المواكب الانتخابية في إحدى الانتخابات عندما كان قيادات الأمن الآخرين يمنعونهم. ولذلك فهو يدير الداخلية بالضبط كما أدارها من سبقوه، وهذا ما يؤكد عليه تقرير مركز النديم الحقوقي الأخير الذي رصد قيام الشرطة بقتل 37 مواطن، وتعذيب 87، وانتهاك 7 مواطنين جنسيا، في أول 100 يوم من حكم مرسي.

وعليه لا يوجد أي غرابة في أن تتعامل الشرطة مع متظاهري محمد محمود بالشكل الذي نراه الآن. فهي تدار بنفس العقليات والأساليب القديمة، وبالطريقة التي تربت عليها قيادتها—وهذا أصبح واضحاً للنظام والرأي العام على حد سواء منذ شهور. ومن هنا تقع المسؤولية على من عينوا وزير الداخلية وقيادات الأمن في مواقعهم، وعلى من صمتوا على كل ما حدث من خرق لحقوق المواطنين في أول 100 يوم من حكمهم، لما في ذلك من تشجيع لقيادات الداخلية للمضي قدماً فيما يفعلوه—هي بلا أدنى شك مسؤولية من أمضوا ستة أشهر في حكم الدولة دون أن يقتربوا من إعادة هيكلة الشرطة كما طالبت ثورة يناير العظيمة. فلا يمكن إلا لكاذب أن ينكر أن إعادة هيكلة الشرطة كانت ومازلت مطلب رئيسي من مطالب الثورة. ولا يمكن إلا لمنافق أن ينكر أن النظام لم يتطرق من قريب أو بعيد لهذا المطلب.

هذا ما أدخل النظام الجديد في فضيحة تلو الأخرى، بالكذب والنفاق وانعدام الشفافية, فلا يوجد سبيل أمام نظام يرفض معاقبة قتلة الشهداء إلا أن يبطش بالمتظاهرين الذين يطالبون بالقصاص لشهدائنا,ا ويشهر بهم. ولا يمكن لنظام كهذا إلا أن يقصي الآخرين من عملية تحديد شكل النظام السياسي في البلاد، من أجل أن يقنن البطش بالشعب في دستوره الجديد. هذا هو أيضاً سبيل أي نظام يتفق سراً على قروض تجور على حقوق "الغلابة", واتفاقات اقليمية سرية تعظم من مصلحة إسرائيل. فكل ذلك يعني بالتبعية أنه سيحتاج إلى جهاز شرطة "بلطجي"، ولن يسمح أبداً بإعادة هيكلة الشرطة لما يحمله ذلك من تهديد مباشر لمصالحه.
أما المفارقة الكبرى فهي تأكيد هذا النظام المتكرر على فساد الإعلام وعن قيام هذا الإعلام بتشويه صورته بشكل متعمد في الوقت الذي يطلق لقياداته العنان لنشر "حواديت الترامادول" والبلطجية المأجورين وما إلى ذلك مما ورثناه عن نظام مبارك. ما يحدث من تشويه للمتظاهرين لا يخرج إلا عن نظام منافق.
إن من بين الشباب الذي يشارك في أحداث محمد محمود أطهر شباب مصر. جريمتهم الوحيدة أنهم يريدون الحياة بعزة وكرامة ويتطلعون إلى العدالة. ولا يوجد سبب آخر لهبتهم إلا ذلك. فلا يمكن تصور قيام هذه الهبة في ظل نظام يعمل على القصاص من قتلة الشهداء، وينشر العدل والمساواة، ويتوافق مع كل الفصائل السياسية على صلاحيات النظام الحاكم وحقوق المعارضه. هذا ما سبب الانتفاضة الأخيرة، لا اصرار الآخرين على اسقاطه كما يدعي. فلو كان النظام يعمل على تحقيق أهداف الثورة ما استطاع أحد أن يقنع الشباب بالانتفاض ضده بهذه الطريقة.

يستطيع إعلام النظام أن يسرق بعض التصريحات البريئة أو حتى الساذجة من الشباب المشاركين في الأحداث ليشوه به صورتهم. لكنه لن يستطيع أبداً أن يغطي على الحقائق الواضحة; النظام الجديد يسير على نهج نظام مبارك في كل شيء، ولذلك فهم بحاجة إلى تأمين قتلة الشهداء، لا القصاص منهم، والاستحواذ على الدستور ليبقى في الحكم بغض النظر عن آدائه، والتفاهم السري مع إسرائيل، وحماية مصالح "البيزنس"، وهذا في النهاية يتطلب منهم البطش بكل من يعترض عليهم بشكل دوري وتشويه صورتهم.

وكما كان الحال مع النظام السابق، تقع المسؤولية القانونية والجنائية الكاملة بخصوص ما يحدث من بطش وقتل الآن على رئيس الجمهورية. وعليه نقول، يا سيادة الرئيس، سيتم محاكمتك على كل قطرة دم أُهدرت منذ توليك الحكم. ولن يشفع لك أن تلوم الداخلية على ما يحدث تحت سمعك وبصرك. الداخلية تأتمر بإمرتك، ولك كل الحق في إقالة قياداتها، وبما أنك لا تفعل شيء لوقف مايحدث, تصبح راض عنه وشريكا فيه. أمامك 24 ساعة فقط لتثبت رفضك لما يحدث بشكل ملموس، وتحاسب من تسببوا فيه، وإلا فاتك القطار.

يا سيادة الرئيس المنتخب، يا سيادة القائد الأعلى للشرطة، إن الصمت على أحداث كهذه لمدة ثلاثة أيام متتالية هو منتهى العار ولن يمكنك من التنصل منها بدعوى أنك لم تؤيد ما تفعله قوات الشرطة إذا ما احتجت ذلك في المستقبل. هؤلاء هم مرؤسيك!

وللشباب الثائر نقول، ما يحدث الآن هو أمر جلل، ولا يجوز أبداً أن يمر مرور الكرام. ولذلك ندعوكم للمشاركة في دعم تظاهرات عيون الحرية يوم الجمعة القادم حاملين شعار إننا لم نعد نلوم الداخلية وحدها, على هذا البطش والتنكيل بالمتظاهرين، إنما نحمل مرسي شخصيا المسؤولية الكاملة عنه.

 

[مصدر البيان صفحة "الجبهة القومية للعدالة والديمقراطية" على الفيسبوك]

Eyewitness from Gaza: Historic Convoy Breaks the Siege

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Five minutes after a Gaza-bound convoy of 330 Egyptian activists arrived at the Rafah border crossing, the bombing started.

Even on the Egyptian side the ground shook. A grey circle of cloud signalling the presence of an Israeli rocket rose above the terminal.

The booms only ignited the activists' chants, who hailed from groups such as the Revolutionary Socialists, the Constitution Party, the Popular Current, the Strong Egypt Party, the Egyptian Current and the Nasserist party.

"Resistance is the only solution against the traitor and occupier," the groups called out to sheepish-looking border patrol, as they marched towards the border brandishing Palestinian flags.

Only fifty were expected to enter Gaza, a number agreed on by the convoy organizers due to the security risk and logistical headache of moving hundreds of people around a conflict zone.

Emotions were high when each bus drew its lottery and the names of the "lucky" few where chosen.

Nevertheless, everyone was ultimately allowed through, regardless of some lack of passports, military papers and official documentation: an unprecedented event unheard of under the Mubarak-regime.

With rumours of a parliamentary and Muslim Brotherhood delegation led by FJP head Saad Katatni on its way to the crossing, it seemed as if the Egyptian police wanted to relieve themselves of the responsibility of such a determined group.

Inside the madhouse of the border terminal, more groups joined the convoy, pushing the numbers to 561.

With over five hundred people crossing into Gaza, the convoy was the single largest civilian group to enter the strip since 1967 and one of the largest expressions of solidarity ever.

After a four hour wait, people crossed over to Gaza, piled into vehicles provided at the last minute by Hamas, and the bombing began again.

Eight buses drove off into a pitch-black Gaza: the silence only punctured with the fatal drum-beat of the rocket fire.

Landing on either side of the convoy as it made its way to Gaza City, the missiles were disorientating and the landscape empty.

But as we rode into the city, Gazans appeared on half-lit streets and whistled at the solidarity convoy.

Loud cheers erupted in the buses, people began singing pro-Palestine traditional songs and shouting, "We give our lives to Gaza." They hung flags out of the windows and both sides peace-signed each other.

In spite of the explosions, it felt like a celebration.

The rockets continued to rain down on Gaza like clockwork, every five minutes Israel's 'Pillar of Defense' operation would create a pillar of smoke. Another building. would fall.

We reached Gaza City, where they began the press conference at Al-Shifaa hospital, Gaza's main medical complex.

The hundreds-strong crowds of Egyptians and Palestinians took over the main hospital courtyard, carrying a huge Palestinian flag. Israel and Hamas exchanged fire someway off in the distance as the speeches began.

Gaza's Minister of Health opened the event.

Although the continued US-backed Israeli aggression claims so many lives, he said, it does not take away the spirit of resistance, especially when Egyptians and Palestinians stand side-by-side to back the Palestinian cause.

Convoy organisers, many of whom are prominent Egyptian activists, also spoke.

The Egyptian Revolution, they said, will not succeed unless Palestine is free.

An ambulance carrying the latest casualty of Israel's airstrikes closed the event: a stark reminder of the immediacy of the situation.

Speaking to local families who live near the hospital, they told us Israeli surveillance drones hover above the city all day and night.

Their continual buzz is the base note to the noises of a Gazan night under fire.

One family told us that civilians hide in their homes, trawling through news channels and the internet when the electricity is on, to find updates on bomb attacks while praying their home is spared.

Schools, they said, had been closed since Wednesday.

Back at the hospital Hamas police officers in their blue military uniforms manned the grounds, while Qassam Brigade members sat and chatted with us at the local red-lit kebab shop, which was opened specially for the convey.

Despite previous plans to camp out at a stadium (which was bombed the next morning) and a nearby hotel, the 561-strong convoy slept on the streets and in the buses outside of the hospital due to security fears.

The hospital is largely seen to be a safe zone. So far it has not been hit.

However, nowhere is truly safe. The city is held hostage by the bombings, which hit unexpectedly and in seemingly random locations.

The explosions appear from nowhere, with no warning, there is no vapour trail or dramatic screeching sound. Just a thundering boom followed by ambulance sirens and a building collapse.

All the residents can do, caught in the crossfire, is wait for the next onslaught.

After midnight, the situation escalated. A rocket landed just five hundred meters away from where convoy were resting.

This was the first hit that scattered the crowd. Some of us sheltered in the kebab shop, some fell into a neighbouring news agency.

Nearby building and buses shook. A rush of air pressed against our chest and ears.
A few minutes later a second rocket dropped on the other side of the hospital. A warning message, perhaps?

At least twenty-five people died through the night, the bloodiest since the start of the offensive, and the overwhelming majority were civilians, a cool-headed Al-Shifaa hospital doctor told us.

Then at around  four am, the ambulances began pouring into the medical center. Retaliatory fire from Hamas was heard.

With frightening efficiency, paramedics would offload the bodies, clean the stretcher and race back to yet another bombsite.

As four buildings collapsed, a lot of injured children started arriving- some sat like ghosts in a thin covering of rubble dust, paralysed by shock.

Frenzied scenes were witnessed in the hospital emergency rooms, with distraught families, bloodied bodies and journalists hovering trying to get a handle of the situation.

The morgue, an exhausted looking paramedic told us, was mostly filled with children killed by shrapnel wounds.

All the way back, our nine vehicle convoy was followed by recurring bombings. One landed directly in our path, leading the convoy to change direction. Some suggested that the Israelis were doing so deliberately.

The last explosion, leaving a spectacular ring of smoke on the horizon, echoed over the border crossing as we boarded the bus.

[Developed in partnership with Ahram Online.]

Syria Media Roundup (November 22)

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[This is a roundup of news articles and other materials circulating on Syria and reflects a wide variety of opinions. It does not reflect the views of the Syria Page Editors or of Jadaliyya. You may send your own recommendations for inclusion in each week's roundup to syria@jadaliyya.com by Monday night of every week.]

 

Regional and International Perspectives


UK: Syrian opposition 'sole legitimate representative' of the people
Ian Black on the country’s recognition of the coalition as ‘legitimate representative’

Syrians may be better off without cheerleaders James Harkin criticizes the “schoolboy enthusiasm and indecent haste” with which France and Britain recognized the “unwiedly-sounding” coalition.

Strengthen Syria's opposition - or be complicit in the war Hassan Hassan rejects this cynicism, outlining three reasons why the international community must support the coalition and support it diplomatically and financially.

Syrian National Coalition: The Road to Legitimacy Nicolas Nassif explains what the latest French recognition entails from a legal standpoint.

 

Mondher Makhos, premier ambassadeur de la Syrie libre, nommé à Paris Ignace Leverrier profiles the ambassador of “Free Syria” to France, designated by the president of the coalition Ahmed Moazz Al Khatib.

Syrian Narratives

 

En Syrie, « la révolution doit aussi englober l’Eglise » Ignace Leverrier on the various Christian groups that mobilized against the Syrian regime.

Aleppo rebels retract rejection of coalition 14 brigades who had rejected the “conspiracy project” released a new statement saying they would support a "civil state in Syria with Islam being the main source of legislation."

Mise au point sur la création d’un « Etat islamique » dans le nord de la Syrie Some reactions to the brigades’ rejection of the coalition on November 18.

Mouaz al-Khatib Speech in Doha

Inside Syria

 

“Interview with Deir Ezzor Press Network (DPN)” Razan Ghazzawi speaks with the administrator of the DPN’s Facebook Page to assess the situation in the Syrian city.

 

We are and always be one: Syria and Palestine Syria Freedom Forever posts some images from Syrian opposition protesters supporting people in Gaza.

Art and Social Media

Yabroud : Assad is Overthrown Short film on the town of Yabroud, no longer under government control.

 

Revolutionary Radio BCC’s program on the role of radio in covering the ‘Arab Spring’

 

Arabic

 

في جذور الأسباب البنيوية للانتفاضة السورية

Assafir Al-Arabi translates Bassam Haddad's article on Jadaliyya on the structural causes of the uprising.

 

نصوص

Jadaliyya publishes texts by Syrian writer Zacharia Tamer.

 

النازحون السوريون في بعلبك..على أبواب الصقيع

Abd Arrahim Shalhah writes about the dire situation of Syrian refugees in Baalbak.

 

هـل بـدأت دمشـق تتحـول إلـى سـاحة معركـة؟

Ziyad Haidar writes about the recent escalations in violence in Damascus.

 

من الثورة إلى الحرب

Jad Al-Kareem Al-Jaba'i writes about what he thinks are the reasons behind the transformation of the revolution in to a state of war.

 

!أخطاء قاتلة

Michel Kilo writes about the grave mistakes that are being committed by the Syrian opposition, particularly in terms of the question of negotiations.

 

!عالم تدينه لغته

Michel Kilo criticizes the west and their stance, or lack thereof, on the Syrian revolution and the brutal struggles it has been facing.

 

مساعدة السوريين في محنتهم كيف تكون؟

Fayez Sarrah writes about the need for the international community to be more active in organizing humanitarian aid that Syrians inside and outside the country receive, providing a broader spectrum of types of aid, and creating safe passages in order to insure their arrival to places that are in dire need.

 

سباق الفيلة على سورية

Bashir Issa provides his analysis about the struggle in Syria and the possible path it might lead to.

 

من يعيد السلام الى سوريا؟

Samir Karam writes about the path to a peaceful resolution in Syria.

 

"سورية: إنّهُ «اليوم الأسود» لصرف "القرش الأبيض

Yehya Al-Oas writes about the economic situation in Syria.

 

حروب بديلة في سورية؟

Khaled Ghazal writes about the implication of the internationalization of the struggle in Syria.

 

حين يغدو السلاح أيديولوجيا خَلاصية

Tarek Azizeh writes on Al-Akhbar about the armed resistance in Syria and criticizes Syrian writer Yassin Al-Haj Saleh and others for condoning it.

On Gaza: Interviews with Sherine Tadros and Mouin Rabbani, and A Reading by Sinan Antoon

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The latest Israeli assault on Gaza has received ample coverage during the past week in the international media. In a special edition of Voices of the Middle East and North Africa, three guests deepen our understanding of the recent onslaught beyond the reality of Israel's brutal aggression. First, whose narrative does this media convey and why? Malihe Razazan poses this question to Sherine Tadros of Al Jazeera, who was one of a handful of journalists covering the attack from Gaza in the winter of 2008/2009. The other question is: Why did Israel really attack Gaza? Khalil Bendib speaks with long-time analyst and Jadaliyya Co-Editor Mouin Rabbani about the new context in which this latest Israeli onslaught is taking place in Gaza, and Israel's effort to reaffirm and reassert its regional supremacy post-Arab Spring. The show concludes with poet and novelist Professor Sinan Antoon as he reads Silence for Gaza, a poem by Mahmoud Darwish that he himself has translated from the original Arabic.

Bibi Bombs

بيروت… غزة

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بعد اسابيع من القصف، كان أبي مقيماً في المستشفى، وبقينا نحن، أمي وأخي وأنا في قبو أحد الفنادق البيروتية القديمة، نعد الساعات ونأكل خبزاً جافاً وأرزاً وبطاطا، بعد أسابيع من القصف والعزلة، كنت أنا بنتاً مهذبة، لا أسبب لوالدتي قلقاً في أي مسألة. آكل ما هو موجود، لا أتسبب في فوضى أو ضجة غير لازمة ولا أسأل أسئلة مزعجة، باستثناء السؤال عن أبي من حين لآخر، علماً بأنه كان من عادته الغياب بقصف أو بدون قصف…

بعد أسابيع من القصف خرجنا إلى الخارج. لا أذكر لماذا، كان الجو خريفياً لطيفاً، والهواء جافاً مغبراً، كأن شخصاً مر بمكنسة آلية قديمة، نظف بها الشوارع من البشر ومن ضجيج السيارات، وترك بعده هذا الهواء الدافئ الغابر. وفجأة أخذت أوراق صفراء وزهرية تتساقط علينا من السماء. أعادت لي ألوانها الناعمة طعم الموز والفريز الصناعي الذي طالما عشقته في العلكة ولم أذقه منذ أغلقوا مدرستي. حاولت انتشال إحدى الأوراق عن الأرض رغم توتر والدتي المفاجئ، شعرت بأنها أسرعت في خطاها وأحكمت قبضة يدها علي في خليط من جزاء على خطأ لم أدركه ومن اشمئزاز. تلعصمت الكلمات في فمها الذي أدارته إلى ناحية أخرى ففهمت أن الأمر يتعلق بهم وأنني لم أخطئ.

انتشلت إحدى الاوراق الصفراء وبدأت أقرأها.   الخط كبير وواضح، العنوان “بيان عسكري”، "إلى جميع سكان بيروت" بدأ مكبر صوت في الصراخ. . .“ اتركوا المدينة ولن يحدث لكم شيء”. كيف لي أن أركز في قراءة الورقة في هذا الضجيج؟ لا أفهم، برطمات والدتي تزيد وتعلو، لكنني لا أسمعها من المكبر، وكلام الورقة كثير وغريب، يدخل إلى رأسي ولا أفهمه، إنهم يريدون انقاذنا، يبعثون إلينا مكبر صوت يحذرنا، وورق بطعم الموز والفريز من السماء، فما بها أمي تلعن أبويهم وتظنني لا أفهم شيئأ، أنا افهم كل ما يحدث حولي.. أفهم جيداً، لكن الهواء الساخن الغابر، وكثرة الكلام في الورقة قد أنعساني ولم أنته من قرائته… أشعر بالتعب، لقد وصلنا، ولا أذكر إلى أين، لكنني متعبة وسأضع رأسي في حضن أمي لأنام قليلاً، ثم أقوم لأقرأ الورقة الصفراء، بعد دقيقة أو خمسة.

[كتب هذا النص بعدما تناولت المواقع الإجتماعية مناشير "بلاغ عسكري" التي تناثرت في سماء غزة أثناء الحرب الإسرائيلية الأخيرة على القطاع. وأعادت إلى ذهن الكاتبة حادثة مماثلة أثناء الغزو الإسرائيلي لبيروت.]


Morsy and the "Nationalization" of the Revolution: Some Initial Reflections

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President Mohamed Morsy’s recent decisions to prop up presidential powers and shield the constituent assembly from legal challenges, among other controversial steps, have raised the question of where Egyptian politics is heading today.

At first glance these developments seem to hold the promise of vengeance for the revolution’s martyrs, whose families were granted an increase in their state pensions. Upon closer examination, however, these decisions are clearly aimed at appropriating revolutionary legitimacy and using it to strengthen the position of the Muslim Brotherhood-controlled presidency. What was initially presented as a set of decrees aimed at responding to the Mohamed Mahmoud Street clashes that began on Monday, as well as widespread anger over the state’s ineptitude in bringing to justice those responsible for killing and injuring revolutionary protesters over the past year, ended up as a flagrant attempt to further centralize power and remove any checks on presidential authority.

The decrees effectively render the presidential decisions final and not subject to the review of judicial authorities, which may mark the return to Mubarak-style presidency, without even the legal cosmetics that the previous regime employed to justify its authoritarian ways.

The president also used the anger expressed by Mohamed Mahmoud protesters at the absence of credible trials for those suspected of killing and injuring revolutionary activists since the fall of Hosni Mubarak as an implicit justification for his decision to replace the prosecutor general. While the failure to bring to justice former and current security officials suspected of wrong-doing during and since the eighteen-day uprising can partly be blamed on the incompetence of prosecutors, the major hurdle to this process is essentially the absence of any meaningful reform inside military and civilian security agencies—something that Morsy’s decisions have failed to address.

In light of the fact that these agencies have been shielded from transformative institutional reforms even under Morsy’s leadership, it is anything but surprising that they continue to undermine ongoing investigations of current and former security officials. It is also no surprise that they persist in repeatedly employing deadly violence against peaceful protesters, as evidenced by a number of recent incidents. By overlooking the absence of legal and institutional reforms to rectify the conduct of the policing establishment and its relationship with society, Morsy has left the core of the problem at hand unresolved.

The timing of these decisions is interesting for a number of reasons. Firstly, the replacement of the prosecutor general speaks to a fear that the Muslim Brotherhood has regarding the influx of complaints filed questioning the legal standing of the group. A prosecutor general who is not politically loyal to the Muslim Brotherhood makes both current and future challenges to the legality of the Brotherhood extremely threatening. Secondly, the consolidation of presidential authority underscores the fact that the Egyptian government, after reaching an agreement with the International Monetary Fund over the terms of a $4.8 billion loan, is preparing to go down a path of economic liberalization that will likely result in social unrest and a great deal of dissent that demands an imperial presidency with minimal accountability.

Thirdly, the decision that neither the Constituent Assembly nor the Shura Council can be legally dissolved comes at a time when the court is reviewing thorny legal challenges that could result in rendering these bodies unconstitutional. Fourthly, it is also likely that the president made these decisions after sensing that Washington would be reluctant to express serious concern over the nondemocratic nature of these decrees now that he has proven that, like Mubarak, he has something useful to offer on the Palestinian-Israeli track and, accordingly, should be granted some leeway in how he deals with domestic dissent.

Finally, it is worth mentioning that what is most striking about the declaration is not what it contained, but rather what was omitted. In light of police brutality against protesters, widespread anger over the Assiut crash that resulted in the deaths of dozens of innocent children, and mass withdrawals of non-Islamist figures from the Constituent Assembly due to serious disagreements over the draft constitution, several people expected that the president would announce something quite different. They expected the replacement of the Hesham Qandil Cabinet, a plan to reform the Ministry of Interior and the policing establishment, the dissolution of the Constituent Assembly and the formation of a more credible and representative constitution drafting body. Instead, the president sent the message that his decisions are supreme, the Muslim Brotherhood-dominated Constituent Assembly cannot be dissolved, and that his government and the country’s repressive security agencies inherited from the Mubarak era are untouchable.

Morsy has clearly taken sides, and it is not the side of the revolution.

 

This piece was published in partnership with Egypt Independent.

Going from Pillar to Truce

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On the eighth day of the bombardment of Gaza, the Israeli government agreed to sit down with the Hamas leadership and the Egyptian government to come up with a ceasefire agreement. Hamas and Egypt had called for a ceasefire from early into the conflict, but the Israelis had refused. An early Israeli draft indicated that they wanted Hamas to accept a 15-year hudna or truce, which would be tantamount to asking the Palestinians to accept their occupation without any resistance. When the escalated bombing did not break the will of the population of Gaza, and of the Hamas leadership, Israel agreed to much narrower ceasefire terms.

What did “Operation Pillar of Defense,” as the Israelis called it, accomplish for Tel Aviv? It certainly allowed the Israelis to test their missile defence shield (Iron Dome) and it allowed them to use their heavy weapons against the Palestinian population. But it did not change the political equation. Instead, Hamas comes out of this bombardment strengthened. The ceasefire agreement after Israel’s 2009 “Operation Cast Lead” insisted that aid go through the Palestinian Authority, which is run by Fatah, Hamas’s rival amongst the Palestinians. This time there was no such stricture. Fatah’s Mahmoud Abbas has been weakened by his inability to call for even non-violent demonstrations in the West Bank, and he seemed a shill for the United States with his photo opportunity with U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton. Strikingly, Abbas did not go to Gaza during the conflict. “Free people are not deterred,” Hamas’s leader Khalid Misha’l said in Cairo when the ceasefire was signed. “What has happened is a lesson that the people’s choice is the resistance,” which earned him plaudits in the Palestinian world.

Israel finds itself more isolated politically, which would have been made manifest by a U.N. Security Council rebuke had not the U.S. threatened to veto the Moroccan draft on at least two occasions. The ceasefire document not only did not earn Israel what it wanted, but suggests that Israel’s embargo of Gaza must be reconsidered (it calls for “opening the crossings and facilitating the movement of people and transfer of goods and refraining from restricting residents’ free movement and targeting residents in border areas”).

In his Cairo speech, Misha’l said, “The martyrs of the Egyptian revolution have their fingerprints on the [ceasefire] document.” It is certainly the case that this bombardment has revealed that however constrained Egypt might be, it is certainly not a client state of the U.S. (as it was under Mubarak). The restive Egyptian street came out in support of Gaza, as it had during the second intifada, and the governing Muslim Brotherhood, which has ties to Hamas, put immense pressure on the Egyptian government of Mohammed Morsi.

Morsi could have abrogated the Egyptian-Israeli peace treaty of 1979 as a way to put pressure on Israel to desist from its use of asymmetrical power against the Palestinians. But Morsi is not a radical; he was mocked on the Egyptian Street, he is constrained by his military’s ties to the U.S., and the neo-liberal economic agenda he is pursing (anchored by the new International Monetary Fund agreement). Nonetheless, Egypt has returned as a major regional actor, setting aside Iran and Syria as Hamas’s main external supporters.


Qatar’s stance

Hamas’s political bureau was based in Damascus, Syria until Misha’l decided to break with the Syrian regime over its killing of civilians. Hamas decamped to Doha, Qatar, welcomed by the Emir who had himself taken a forward policy against Syria. The Emir of Qatar visited Gaza in October and pledged to support the territory with economic aid. But as Israel’s bombing began, the Qatari support seemed less valuable. Qatar was allowed to make statements about arming the Syrian rebels, a position that was endorsed by the U.S. tacitly, but it was not permitted to make similar statements about arming the Palestinian resistance. This has dented its reputation. Misha’l anaemically thanked Iran for its logistical support, but pointedly noted that Hamas disagreed with Iran on Syria. The older, clearer lines of support that ran from Tehran through Damascus into the arsenal and arteries of Hamas are no longer as clear. Time will tell how Hamas, and the Palestinian resistance in general will calibrate its links with these countries.

As the smoke clears in Gaza it is clear that the destruction has been immense. After the last bombardment in 2009, the U.N. empanelled a commission to look into the conflict. The Goldstone Report was very critical of Israel. But none of its recommendations could be pursued even though they intimate that Israel had committed crimes against humanity (perhaps even war crimes). Nor was Israel enjoined to pay reparations for the destruction of civilian infrastructure. Such impunity against the occupied territories suggests that once more Israel will neither face scrutiny for the conduct of its war nor will it have to consider the economic toll. Israel will go scot-free (in fact, the U.S. has promised to rearm Israel, including its missile defence shield). The Palestinians, meanwhile, will have to pick up the pieces, with aid from the U.N. and from the Arab states, and from their own resilience. It is a testimony to the human spirit that the Palestinian people remain resilient and hopeful, looking beyond the last sky for a chance to live dignified lives.

[This article was originally published on The Hindu.]

Maghreb Media Roundup (November 22)

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[This is a roundup of news articles and other materials circulating on the Maghreb and reflects a wide variety of opinions. It does not reflect the views of the Maghreb Page Editors or of Jadaliyya. You may send your own recommendations for inclusion in each week's roundup to maghreb@jadaliyya.com by Wednesday night of every week.]

Algeria

Stratfor: Algerian Secret Services’ grip on power WIkileaks post dissects the role of the obscure head of Algerian secret services, General Mohammed Mediene, in Algeria's 2010-11 protests, as well as his growing conflict with President Bouteflika.

Le tribunal fédéral suisse rejette de manière «définitive» son recours Swiss Court denies former defense minister Khaled Nezzar's appeal in a suit charging him of war crimes.  

Algeria ready to close Mali border Fidet Mansour and Mouna Sadek report on Algeria's repudiation of international intervention and "commitment to a political solution."

Libya

Libya’s Pearl of the Desert PRI's "The World" profiles the ancient town of Ghadmes, and explores the revolution's affects on its heterogeneous ethnic groups.

The idiot’s guide to becoming a Libyan revolutionary Karim Nabata satirically addresses militiamen's claims to authority.

A People’s Constitution — The importance of inclusion in constitution making Nelufer Elbadri calls on the GNC and civil society organizations to disseminate information regarding the constitutional process and other democratic procedures in order to actualize the revolution's aspirations of liberty, justice, and human rights protections.

Libyan Security Chief Killed in Benghazi18th killing of a Benghazi official reflects the nation's sustained security void.  

Controversy engulfs UN ambassador over claims of “beautiful nights” between Qatari officials and Libyan girl Aburrahman Shalgham alleges Qatar's machinations in Libya, including biological weapon theft.

الدليل : كيف تستغل الخطاب الثوري لسرقة الثورة في ليبيا ؟
Karim Nabata's second installment on militia's arrogation of the revolution.

Mauritania

Mauritania’s Uncertain Position in Face of President’s Extended Recuperation John Campbells "Africa in Transition" blog examines the circumstances galvanized  by Aziz's absence.

Slavery: Unshackling Mauritania’s Secret
Fareeda Miah examines the state and denial of slavery.

Just 6 areas of looting & corruption under Aziz in #Mauritania: Anita Hunt translates the six of the most significant charges against President Aziz.

الربيع العربي على أعتاب موريتانيا.. مسيرة لمطالبة الرئيس بنقل السلطة و"إبعاد العسكر
Aljazeera examines growing public discontent in President Aziz's absence.

الواشنطن بوست تحذف خبر "تعافي" الرئيس محمد ولد عبد العزي
Anita Hunt reports on the removal of news that President Aziz has recovered and will return to Mauritania shortly.

Morocco

Fête de l'indépendance du Maroc : Free at last Omar Alaoui reflects on the anniversary of Morocco's independence day and calls for greater memorialization.

Moroccans Beaten Up for Protesting the King's Budget Amira al-Hussaini aggregates social media reactions and documentations of police violence on 18 November 2012.

The Low Standard of the “Morocco Model” Samia Errazzouki examines the marketing behind Morocco's "regional model" branding.

Google Misrepresents Morocco’s Independence Day With “Leather Cushions” Loubna Flah criticizes the 'orientalist' conception of Google's doodle.

البيجيدي : « أُكلنا يوم أُكلت فبراير »
Mohamed Almerash discusses the regime's recent and dismissive interactions with Moroccan activists.  

قمع المظاهرة السلمية التي نظمت أمام البرلمان المغربي إحتجاجاً على ميزانية القصر
Mamfakinch editors aggregate videos and accounts of the violently suppressed demonstration against the royal palace budget.

Tunisia

Secular legacy of Bourguiba fuels Salafi anger in Tunisia Issandr El Amrani challenges conventional, alarmist portrayals of Salafists.

Réflexions pour comprendre la sociologie religieuse dans la Tunisie postrévolutionnaire Mohamed Arbi Nsiri explicates the importance of popular religion in contemporary Tunisia from a socio-historical perspective.

Proposal for additions to Article 1 and Article 5 Tunisia proposes internet freedom protections as a component of human rights protections.

100 Tunisian Prisoners Go on Hunger Strike Amira Masrour reports on hunger strikes by Safalifst detainees who maintain their innocence in several clashes over the last six months.

الأستاذ أحمد بلغيث : الموقوفون من التيار السلفي في زنزانات العزلة العقابية و منهم من يحمل آثار إعتداءات بالعنف الشديد Winston Smith interviews law professionals and activists regarding the conditions of certain Salafists prisoners.

Recent Jadaliyya Articles on the Maghreb
Lonely Servitude: Child Domestic Labor in Morocco
Quelle justice transitionnelle pour la Tunisie ?
ثورة . . . أما بعد
Plurality, Hybridity, and the Self: A Review of Benjamin Stora's "Voyages en postcolonies"
Maghreb Monthly Edition on Jadaliyya (October 2012)

The President's New Powers

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President Mohamed Morsy has often celebrated the fact that he has seldom used his legislative powers, using that fact as an index of his care not to abuse his expansive authorities.

Those powers were acquired by the president in August after he canceled a constitutional addendum drafted in June by his predecessors, the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, to claim legislative authority following the dissolution of Parliament that same month.

But a new constitutional declaration issued on Thursday night actually harnesses more power for Morsy, which he says he is trying to avoid.

“The constitutional declaration announced by Morsy is a way of raping the country, and wholly abrogates the role of all judicial authorities,” says Wahid Abdel Meguid, a former Constituent Assembly speaker who withdrew last week.

“No leader confident in his popular support would go as far as to abolish the very idea of the state in order to protect himself.”

The seven-article declaration renders the president's decrees and laws immune from appeal or cancellation. It also protects both the Shura Council and the Islamist-dominated Constituent Assembly from dissolution by any judicial authority, and further protects the assembly by extending its mandate to draft the constitution to eight months instead of six, as stipulated in an earlier constitutional declaration.

Two cases against the Shura Council and the Constituent Assembly are currently awaiting a court ruling, but those cases will now be voided by the declaration.

The new constitutional declaration also gives immunity to all decisions and decrees issued by Morsy since he took office on 30 June and until the ratification of a new constitution, thus protecting those decisions from judicial or any other type of revision.

Further, Morsy granted himself the exclusive right to take any measures he sees fit to protect the country's national unity, national security and the revolution.

Morsy also added a new chapter to the ongoing feud over terminating the prosecutor general by sacking Abdel Meguid Mahmoud and appointing Talaat Ibrahim Abdallah in his stead for a four-year term.

Morsy’s previous attempt to sack the Mubarak-era prosecutor general was immediately reversed after it stirred a wave of wrath from the judiciary, which considered the move an infringement on its independence. The prosecutor was conventionally immune from executive intervention.

Readings differ on what is at stake in tonight’s declaration, but for several politicians, especially those from the non-Islamist camp, the constitution is the target.

The current Constituent Assembly, born out of the dissolved Parliament, has experienced continuous hiccups with a series of resignations by members who say there is little accord over the process.

“The decisions of Morsy deliver a clear deterring message with regards to the constitution. The message is whoeverwants to stay can stay, and whoever wants to go can go. This is a confrontational attitude," says Mohamed Naeim, member of the political bureau of the Socialist Democratic Party, whose representatives have withdrawn from the assembly.  

"My assessment is that the Brothers want to make no concessions in the constitution writing process, and this is showcased in the lack of seriousness in their attitude in the ongoing conflicts in the assembly," he adds.

Asked whether the Brothers can afford to put a constitution to referendum without guaranteeing a certain level of agreement, Naeim says he doesn't trust any electoral process to be handled under the expansive powers of a president whose political affiliations are aligned with the Islamist majority of the Constituent Assembly.

Aside from concerns about the constitution, some see Morsy’s latest move as as targeted at the unresolved feud between the president and the judiciary, with Morsy sending a debilitating blow to the prosecutor general, the Supreme Constitutional Court and other judicial authorities.

“This is the start of the rule of an individual who has all the powers and has the right to cancel the supervision of the judiciary and devalue the decisions of the court,” says lawyer Amir Salem, adding that immunity from judicial oversight is a third layer of power Morsy has claimed for himself, in addition to executive and legislative authorities.

“I don’t think these are spur of the moment decisions — Morsy doesn’t compromise on his views and he has made it clear since the start of his term that he will not accept any restraint to his power,” says Mostafa Kamel al-Sayed, political science professor at Cairo University.

Before today’s decree, Morsy had lost two rounds in an ongoing battle with the judiciary.

In June, the Supreme Constitutional Court overruled Morsy’s decision to reinstate the Parliament that the court had dissolved.

Morsy had to give in to the will of the judges again in October when they rejected his attempts to pressure the prosecutor general to resign.  

“After failing to dismiss the prosecutor general, Morsy couldn’t accept defeat and was waiting for the right moment to get rid of him,” says Kamel.

Salem said dismissing the prosecutor general — a figure who is by law immune to executive intervention  — and appointing a new one without the approval of the Supreme Judicial Council is a grave breach of judicial independence.

Backed by solid public support, judges are already challenging Morsy’s decisions, signaling the start of another fierce round between the two sides instead of what the president hoped would be an end to the battle.

“I expect a grueling crisis between the judiciary and the prosecution on one side and the president on the other after this constitutional declaration because it represents a dead end for everyone,” Salem adds.

Morsy’s new declaration was described by many as an attempt to pay lip service to revolutionary demands while strengthening his grip on power. The timing is right, with street battles raging in downtown Cairo since Monday and protesters expressing anger over the impunity of the perpetrators of attacks against protesters.

Alongside his declaration, on Thursday night Morsy also ordered the reinvestigation of all cases in the killing of protesters in which figures of the old regime are implicated.

Shortly following the constitutional declaration, Morsy also issued a new law for the “protection of the revolution” to regulate the retrials. The law states that if investigations reveal new evidence against the accused, new trials would be held, overseen by a so-called “revolution protection” prosecuting body formed of judges with one-year terms.

Hossam Bahgat, director of the Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights, commented on his Twitter account that the article only focuses on the toppled Mubarak regime’s violations and ignores those of the military regime, which presided over several incidents of violence against protesters throughout the transitional period.

Finally, in what was described as Morsy’s carrot, the president also ordered dispensing exceptional pensions to those injured during the revolution.

“Offering cash to the revolution’s victims and retrials for their attackers seems designed to placate street activists,” writes professor of political science, and expert on Egypt’s constitutional issues, Nathan Brown for the Arabist blog.

Meanwhile,it is feared that Article 6 of the declaration, which empowers the president to take any necessary measures if he feels the revolution, national unity or national security are in jeopardy, could give the president a free hand to violate rights and freedoms.

“This is a declaration of martial law under the disguise of an article in the decree,” says Salem. “Anyone deemed to be against the revolution, whatever this means, will be prosecuted and punished.”

Several pundits expressed particular concerns over the implications of such a loose stipulation, particularly in regards to the freedom of the media, an issue that has caused tempers to flare recently with several cases incidents of journalists summoned to court on defamation charges and the confiscation of media licenses.

Gehad al-Haddad, advisor to Morsy’s Freedom and Justice Party, described the clause as a “pre-emptive clause that may or may not be used. Time will tell.”

Different interpretations were given as to why Morsy was emboldened to make such moves. For some, his successful brokerage of a truce between the government of Hamas and Israel, which raged a war on the Gaza Strip last week, is said to have empowered him to make strong domestic moves.

“Internationally, he has just won plaudits for his role in ending the fighting between Israel and Hamas; that likely offers him a bit of insulation from international criticism and some vague domestic capital for showing Egypt’s centrality,” writes Brown.

Since claiming them, Morsy has used his legislative powers to approve amendments to several laws, including one which granted amnesty for some crimes committed during the 25 January revolution. He also approved a 15 percent raise to public employees and a similar increase in pensions, amendments to the education law and health insurance for children under school age, passed controversial university bylaws and increased the penalties for smuggling petroleum products.

[This article originally appeared in Egypt Independent.] 

Egypt Political Forces Call for Mass 'Eyes of Freedom' Rally Friday

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President Mohamed Morsi's Thursday constitutional declaration has prompted Egyptian political forces that had been planning to commemorate last year's Mohamed Mahmoud clashes with mass protests on Friday to fine-tune their demands.

Over thirty political groups had planned to take part in Friday's protests – dubbed 'Eyes of Freedom' in reference to the many protesters who lost eyes in the clashes – to articulate three main demands.

Those demands included the dismissal of Morsi's cabinet; prosecuting police officers responsible for killing and injuring protesters in the series of clashes that followed last year's Tahrir Square uprising; and a purge and restructuring of Egypt's national police force.

The president's new declaration, however, is likely to change the focus of Friday's planned protests.

"This is unacceptable; Morsi is preventing the judiciary from doing its job," said Emad Gad, political analyst and member of the Egyptian Social Democratic Party, which is planning to take part in Friday's planned rallies.

According to Thursday's constitutional declaration, the president's decisions cannot be overturned by any judicial authority. "The move amounts to a coup against the judiciary," Gad stated.

While the declaration also calls for the retrial of all those accused of killing and injuring "revolutionaries," Gad believes the phrasing is too general and will be used by the Muslim Brotherhood – the movement from which Morsi hails – to settle scores with traditional rivals.

The constitutional declaration also protects the Constituent Assembly (tasked with drafting a new constitution) and the Shura Council (the upper, consultative house of Egypt's parliament) from potential court rulings calling for their dissolution.

The Constituent Assembly has been severely criticised and suffered several withdrawals by members who object to its high proportion of Islamist-leaning representatives.

Morsi's decision is viewed by many as a move towards dictatorship. The declaration also limited the prosecutor-general term to four years which automatically brings the current prosecutor-general's tenure to an end. 

"I'm sure the protests tomorrow will come out against the declaration, while also voicing the original demands," Gad told Ahram Online, adding that Morsi's Thursday move was likely to bolster public participation at the planned rallies.

Mosaab Shahrour, a member of the April 6 youth movement, agrees. "The mobilising power for Friday's protests will double," he said, adding that demonstrators were likely to focus chiefly on the new constitutional declaration. "Protesters will object to the idea of creating a new dictatorship," he said.

Mohamed Waked, founder of the National Front for Justice and Democracy (which plans to attend the Friday protests), says the move is certain to further stoke existing tensions between Islamists and their political adversaries.

"If a court is investigating a case, then something is wrong with it," he said, commenting on the lawsuit against the Constituent Assembly that might have deemed it unconstitutional.

"The declaration represents a pre-emptive measure aimed at preventing any potential ruling against the assembly," Waked asserted.

Asked whether plans for Friday's rallies would change, Waked said that participants would definitely address the constitutional declaration. He added, however, that the front's plans were still being discussed.

A joint statement by several parties and movements that were already planning to take part in Friday's rallies have called for mass protests against the declaration.

Signatories to the statement included the Constitution Party, the Social Democratic Party, the Free Egyptians Party, the Socialist Popular Alliance Party, the Democratic Front Party, the Egypt Freedom Party, the Egyptian Popular Current and the National Association for Change.

Protest marches have been planned to begin after noonday prayers from the Cairo districts of Mohandessin, Sayyeda Zeinab and Shubra. All of them will converge on Cairo's Tahrir Square.

Other groups that plan to participate include 6 April, the Kazeboon campaign, the Mosireen Media Collective, the 'No to Military Trials for Civilians' campaign, the Maspero Youth Union, the New Woman Foundation, the Youth for Justice and Freedom movement, and others.

[Developed in partnership with Ahram Online.]

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